The election system is about to be revised. Hong Kong accelerates into the era of "One Country, Two Systems 2.0"

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Written by: Deng Feng

2021-03-01 10:21

The last update date: 2021-03-01 10:21

On the eve of the opening of China’s annual national "two sessions", on February 22, the China National Hong Kong and Macao Research Association hosted a symposium on the implementation of "patriots ruling Hong Kong." Xia Xia, director of the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council, who is also the vice chairman of the CPPCC National Committee In his opening speech, Baolong clearly stated: "The implementation of the principle of "Patriots governing Hong Kong" requires multiple measures and comprehensive measures. The most critical and urgent of which is to improve the relevant systems, especially the relevant electoral system, to ensure that Hong Kong governs. Governance is firmly in the hands of those who love the country and Hong Kong.” This statement confirms the recent rumors that Hong Kong’s electoral system is about to be revised.

Xia Baolong reveals the revised direction

Prior to Xia Baolong’s speech, on January 27, Chinese President Xi Jinping, after listening to Hong Kong’s Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, emphasized "patriots ruling Hong Kong" and regarded it as "a matter of national sovereignty, security, and development interests. The fundamental principle of Hong Kong's long-term prosperity and stability."

"Patriots ruling Hong Kong" was originally the boundary set by Deng Xiaoping for "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong." In recent years, especially after the outbreak of the legislative turmoil and the rise of political "speculation", Beijing's system of governing Hong Kong has been strengthened to an unprecedented extent.

When Xi Jinping, the top leader of China, elevated the position of "patriots ruling Hong Kong" to an unprecedented height, it was bound to be extraordinary.

Xia Baolong emphasized at the China National Hong Kong and Macau Seminar on February 22 that it is necessary to ensure that "patriots govern Hong Kong" and announced that Hong Kong's electoral system is about to be revised.

(China Political Consultative Conference)

The revision of Hong Kong's electoral system that Beijing intends to promote is precisely to implement Jinping's theory of "patriots ruling Hong Kong".

On the basis of Xi Jinping's discussion of "Patriots governing Hong Kong", Xia Baolong strongly stated that "patriots governing Hong Kong" is the core essence of the "One Country, Two Systems" policy and the call of the times to promote the cause of "One Country, Two Systems", "Adhere to "Patriots governing Hong Kong." It is a major issue of principle related to the success or failure of the cause of "One Country, Two Systems". There is no room for ambiguity." "Adhere to "Patriots ruling Hong Kong". This is not a high standard, but a minimum standard of "Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong" in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region." .

He severely criticized "anti-China chaos in Hong Kong, Hong Kong independence and other radical separatist forces that entered the governance structure of the Special Administrative Region through various elections, including the Legislative Council, the Chief Executive Election Committee, and District Councils." Inciting dissatisfaction with the Mainland, wantonly obstructing the government of the Special Administrative Region, harming the well-being of Hong Kong citizens, and not hesitating to make the entire Hong Kong society pay a heavy price." "It is a total speculation, a source of chaos in Hong Kong, and a scourge to the country. Chaos in Hong Kong".

In Xia Baolong’s view, on the one hand, "patriots ruling Hong Kong" is so important, it is justified. On the other hand, the principle of "patriots ruling Hong Kong" has not been fully implemented. It's a big success." Therefore, we must step up and improve the relevant electoral system.

This also means that "patriots ruling Hong Kong" will become the most important guide for the revision of Hong Kong's electoral system.

Xia Baolong talked about the five major principles in the revision of Hong Kong's electoral system.

First, respect the leadership of the central government and improve the relevant electoral system must be conducted under the leadership of the central government.

The second is to implement an administrative-led system, continuously improve the administrative efficiency of the SAR government, and converge all forces on the top priority of developing the economy and improving people's livelihood.

Third, it conforms to the actual situation in Hong Kong and cannot simply copy or apply foreign election systems.

Fourth, to act in strict accordance with the Constitution and the Basic Law, and to plug the relevant legal loopholes on the basis of summing up the practical experience and lessons of "one country, two systems" since the return of Hong Kong.

Fifth, there must be a sound system to ensure that the members of the administrative, legislative, and judicial bodies of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, as well as the heads of important statutory bodies, are all held by true patriots.

These five principles foreshadow the development direction of Hong Kong's electoral system, that is, a democratic system under the dual dominance of Beijing and the Hong Kong government. The level of Beijing's leadership is higher than that of the Hong Kong government's administrative leadership. The Hong Kong government's administrative leadership is mainly reflected in the scope of "a high degree of autonomy."

Such an electoral system will not be the western-style electoral system that some Hong Kong people expect, but it will never become the same as the mainland. It is an administrative-led democracy under the premise of maintaining the central leadership under "one country." .

There are two key points here. One is the central leadership under the "one country", which once again shows that Hong Kong is not a sovereign country. Therefore, it is impossible to simply copy or apply foreign election systems. Of course, Hong Kong under the "two systems" Different from the other system, the mainland still has its own democratic characteristics.

The second is executive-led. This is obviously in response to the reality that the Hong Kong government’s governance has been constrained. The purpose is to make the Hong Kong government’s governance more efficient and strong. This point is similar to Singapore’s high-performance government in terms of objectives. The difference is that Hong Kong is a "one-stop" government. The local special zone under the country.

According to the signal sent by Xia Baolong's speech, the direction of Hong Kong's electoral system changes will not be the Western-style electoral system advocated by the Panmin and its supporters.

The picture shows on June 18, 2015, Panmin MPs and their supporters chanted slogans outside the Hong Kong Legislative Council.

(Reuters)

Of course, Hong Kong society will inevitably worry about whether a Hong Kong electoral system that is dominated by Beijing and the executive leadership of the Hong Kong government strengthens each other will impact the acceptance of the system and the necessary checks and balances of power.

This is where Beijing's port governance system needs to be considered.

How the revised Hong Kong election system can not only meet Beijing's expectations, but also take into account the concerns of Hong Kong society is a major real challenge facing Beijing.

Who is the Patriot?

Xia Baolong’s speech listed three differences between the Patriots and those who oppose China’s chaos in Hong Kong: Patriots must sincerely safeguard national sovereignty, security, and development interests. Those who use various means to hysterically attack the central government and publicly promote "Hong Kong" Independence advocates, "bad" countries and Hong Kong internationally, those who beg foreign countries to impose sanctions and pressure on Hong Kong, and those who violate Hong Kong's national security laws are not among the patriots; patriots must respect and safeguard the country's fundamental system And the constitutional order of the Special Administrative Region, those who challenge the fundamental system of the country, refuse to accept or deliberately distort the constitutional order of Hong Kong are not among the patriots; the patriots will inevitably do their best to maintain the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, and the "speculators" are not among the patriots. .

He asked back if someone claimed to support "One Country, Two Systems" but opposed to the Communist Party of China, the founder and leader of "One Country, Two Systems," would it not be a contradiction.

If there is no accident, the principles and standards of "patriots ruling Hong Kong" mentioned in Xia Baolong's speech should be institutionalized and legalized at this national "two sessions."

People can't help asking, who is the patriot?

Can those who do not recognize the CCP or even those who "love the country but not the party" participate in political elections?

The answer can be made from three levels.

First, although Xia Baolong gave a relatively more specific definition standard based on Deng Xiaoping’s definition of a patriot this time, considering the actual situation of Hong Kong’s pluralistic society and the CCP’s long-term flexibility on the Hong Kong issue, it can be expected In the future, Beijing's definition of patriots will remain inclusive.

Xia Baolong said, "We emphasize that "patriots govern Hong Kong," and we are definitely not trying to achieve "all colors." He has made it clear that "patriots governing Hong Kong" does not require all governors to have the same political spectrum, but can remain diverse.

This point is in the same line as Deng Xiaoping said that people who administer Hong Kong after 1997, "Of course there must be left-wing people, as few as possible, but also right-wing people, and it is best to choose more people in the middle."

This is especially important for Hong Kong today.

Just like Deng Xiaoping said that "people in the middle" account for the majority, and "people from all walks of life will feel more comfortable." Whether or not the middle person can become the main body is directly related to whether a society can effectively check and balance radicalization and maintain stability.

Second, Xia Baolong's speech has different requirements for the patriot standards of ordinary citizens and governors, and they are treated differently.

Xia Baolong said: "The vast majority of Hong Kong citizens have a tradition of patriotism and love for Hong Kong. The range of patriots has been, is and will be extensive. Hong Kong's Chinese and Western cultures blend, and the society is diverse and diverse. Some citizens have lived in Hong Kong for a long time. The capitalist society in China does not know much about the country and the mainland, and even has various prejudices and prejudices about the country and the mainland. The central government understands and tolerates the attitudes of these people, and firmly believes that they will continue to uphold their love for the country and Hong Kong. Position." This statement is actually very inclusive. The implication is that Beijing believes that the vast majority of Hong Kong people are patriots and continue to tolerate their "prejudices and prejudices" towards the country.

Unlike the inclusive and broad-ranging standards of patriots for ordinary citizens, Xia Baolong emphasized that "people in important positions, with important powers, and important governance responsibilities must be steadfast patriots."

Since he is a staunch patriot, he naturally has higher requirements, including "always standing on the fundamental interests of the country and the overall interests of Hong Kong" and dare to "fight resolutely against actions that challenge the principle of one country, two systems and undermine the practice of one country, two systems." "The Greatest of the Country" in mind, etc.

This means that Beijing can continue to tolerate the prejudices and certain behaviors of ordinary Hong Kong people, but it may not necessarily tolerate the prejudices and certain behaviors of Hong Kong rulers.

The reason is simple. Just as the mainland has different requirements for CCP members, cadres who are not members of the CCP, and ordinary people, the requirements for CCP members and cadres are the most stringent, followed by non-CCP members and cadres, and the requirements for ordinary people are the most lenient.

The same is true around the world. The requirements and restrictions on politicians, especially leaders, are usually stricter than ordinary people.

When Deng Xiaoping talked about the Hong Kong patriots before his death, he distinguished between cursing the CCP, cursing China, and harming the CCP and China.

The picture shows Deng Xiaoping (left) and Hong Kong businessman Bao Yugang (right) talking about Hong Kong issues in June 1990.

(VCG)

Third, the definition of patriots should be irrelevant to the deeds, and normal criticism and even scolding can be allowed. You can not love the CCP, but you can't harm the CCP leadership, and you can't aim at overthrowing the CCP regime.

Deng Xiaoping once said: "After 1997, someone in Hong Kong scolded the Chinese Communist Party and China. We still allow him to scold him, but if it turns into action, Hong Kong should be turned into a base against the mainland under the guise of "democracy." What should we do? ?? Then it’s not to interfere.” This actually distinguishes between scolding the CCP, scolding China, and overthrowing the CCP and harming China.

Xia Baolong also said: "In our country where socialist democracy is practiced, political dissent is allowed, but there is a red line here, that is, it must not be allowed to damage the fundamental system of the country, that is, to damage the socialist system led by the Communist Party of China. Thing."

In other words, as long as it is not harming and overthrowing the CCP and recognizing "one country, two systems," even if there are disagreements with the CCP, even if there are complaints and severe criticisms, it should be at least for ordinary Hong Kong people to meet the requirements of a patriot.

Of course, Beijing's requirements for governing Hong Kong are higher than ordinary Hong Kong people. Their situation requires specific analysis. Although it will be stricter than the previous requirements, it must also consider the complex and pluralistic society of Hong Kong. Beware of taking the left over the right.

Take a pragmatic view of Beijing's role

Xia Baolong mentioned at the end of his speech: "Whether it is enacting and implementing the Hong Kong National Security Law, or improving the special administrative region election system, and everything else we do, we are upholding and improving one country, two systems." Here, "what we do "Everything else" is worthy of fun, and the possibility of including amendments to Hong Kong's Basic Law is not ruled out.

Especially under the situation that Beijing’s policy of governing Hong Kong has undergone directional adjustments in recent years, and Hong Kong’s Basic Law itself has the need to check for deficiencies and make up for omissions, it is entirely possible for Beijing to initiate the revision process of Hong Kong’s Basic Law in due course.

In any case, compared with the past, Beijing's governance of Hong Kong has entered a new era.

In the early days of Hong Kong's return, because the dry and Hong Kong sides were still in the honeymoon period, in order to appease Hong Kong people who were skeptical or wait-and-see about the return, Beijing did not intervene in Hong Kong as a whole.

Although half a million Hong Kong people took to the streets in 2003 to oppose the legislation of Article 23 of the Basic Law, which once prompted Beijing to appropriately adjust its policies for governing Hong Kong, but in general Beijing still has very little intervention.

On the eve of the "Occupy Central" in 2014, facing the emergence of radicalism and local separatism in Hong Kong, Beijing formally proposed "total governance", indicating that the policy of governing Hong Kong began to undergo a directional change.

Subsequently, Beijing issued the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area plan, which increasingly emphasized the bottom line of "one country" and targeted Hong Kong independence. "One country, two systems" gradually moved towards the 2.0 era.

On July 1, 2019, a group of radical protesters violently attacked the Hong Kong Legislative Council building.

(Reuters)

The amendments in 2019 caused Hong Kong to fall into the biggest governance crisis since its return to the country, forcing Beijing to make up its mind to adjust its policies on Hong Kong more drastically.

Since the Fourth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China held a series of Hong Kong-related requirements, whether it was the adjustment of the chief officials of the two offices, the frequent voices of the two offices, the enactment and implementation of the Hong Kong version of the National Security Law, or the performance of the Hong Kong Legislative Council by the National People's Congress The eligibility decision and the Hong Kong election system confirmed by Xia Baolong this time are about to be revised. It all shows that the era of "well water does not break the river" is completely gone, and the era of "One Country, Two Systems" 2.0 in Hong Kong is accelerating.

Faced with this change, many Hong Kong people will inevitably feel pain, disappointment, and even blame Beijing for shrinking Hong Kong's political space.

Putting aside the vague and entangled ideology, from the perspective of political realism, the reason why Beijing's policy of governing Hong Kong has undergone such a big change has even squeezed the range of freedom that many Hong Kong people were accustomed to in the past. There are both Beijing and other factors. There are Hong Kong's own factors.

It is undeniable that in recent years the overall style of governance in China has indeed become strong, and it is not afraid of controversy, but if it weren’t for a series of events, especially the legislative turmoil, Beijing would be deeply hurt, no matter how Beijing’s policy of governing Hong Kong changed, it would not be the way it is now. Hit hard.

For Hong Kong, an urgent task is to look at the role and power of Beijing in a pragmatic manner.

Although Hong Kong under "One Country, Two Systems" can be different from any mainland city, the relationship between Hong Kong and Beijing is essentially the relationship between the local and the central government under "One Country," a relationship of authorization and authorization.

The Basic Law is not a law enacted by Hong Kong people themselves, but a law enacted by Beijing in accordance with the Constitution.

As an authorized Hong Kong, the degree of authorization that can be obtained under the established "one country, two systems" national policy depends on how much trust it can gain from Beijing.

If Hong Kong can communicate with Beijing in a pragmatic and rational manner under the framework of the relationship between the central government and the local government, and effectively respond to Beijing's core concerns, it will naturally gain the trust of the latter and thus gain greater authorization.

Conversely, if Hong Kong delays in responding to Beijing's core concerns and hurts mutual trust, it will inevitably deepen Beijing's anxiety and restrict Beijing's authorization space for Hong Kong.

The CCP, which is in charge of state power, is a political party that believes in a prudent reform path, has a strong notion that national interests are above all else, has minimum requirements for political loyalty in the national and ethnic sense of the locality, and hates oppositional confrontation or threats.

In this political reality, what Hong Kong needs is not recklessness, refusing to recognize Beijing’s concerns, not being separated from Beijing, not living in self-ideological fantasies, but recognizing "one country, two systems." Recognize the connection between self and the country’s interests in the world’s unseen changes in a century, and understand the ancient wisdom of "using small things to make greater wisdom".

Before his death, Lee Kuan Yew talked about government policies that may not be understood by the public for a while, but in the end they should win public recognition and acceptance through the effectiveness of the implementation of the policies.

This view has enlightening significance for the CCP.

(VCG)

But at the same time, facing the doubts and disappointments of Hong Kong society in the era of "One Country, Two Systems" 2.0, Beijing must do a good job of communication and explanation.

Singapore’s late founding prime minister Lee Kuan Yew once said: “I don’t think we say that a government is popular does not mean that it should be popular at all times during governance... Sometimes you have to be completely unpopular, but at the end of your term , You should bring welfare to the people, so that the people will realize that what you do is necessary.” This sentence is very appropriate to Beijing.

When Beijing adjusts its policy of governing Hong Kong in response to Hong Kong’s actual direction, this will inevitably cause deep troubles to Hong Kong people who are used to the policies of the past. In the short term, Beijing can still implement the new policy strongly with its dominant position, but in the long run The change is for the better. After all, the new policy will only last if it wins the recognition of the people of Hong Kong.

Deng Xiaoping said, "Changes are not all bad things. Some changes are good things. The problem is what has changed." "Don't say in general that you are afraid of change." "If something changes, it must be better and more beneficial. For the prosperity and development of Hong Kong."

Hong Kong people can use Deng Xiaoping's words to understand the changes in Beijing's policy of governing Hong Kong and the advent of the "One Country, Two Systems" 2.0 era. Beijing must use Deng Xiaoping's words to supervise itself.

The policy of governing Hong Kong in the era of "One Country, Two Systems" 2.0 can only make Hong Kong develop better and better, the people will not suffer, and the society will be fair and just.

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