As for Naftali Bennett, the right is the new Likud - younger and more rooted in ideology and values that have been forgotten and blurred over the years in the mother party • Netanyahu sees him getting stronger - and fears the possibility that the rival he so despises will even rotate with Lapid,
Does not intend to go for two years in the Prime Minister's Office and then disappear. Bennett during his visit to Elad, during the Corona crisis
Photo:
Yossi Zeliger
The feelings at New Hope headquarters this week were harsh. As of old hope vanished. The decline to a single-digit figure in the polls was predicted there but there was nothing they could do to stop it. The slope they entered is a slippery slope. A candidate for prime minister who gets 9 seats or less, loses confidence and is abandoned. In polls in other parties, which are usually conducted on the basis of thousands of respondents and not hundreds, Saar has already dropped to the six-seven zone. It is no longer a battle for prime minister, but for the blocking percentage.
Assault, like Assault, prefers to place all the blame on others.
There is no one at the party's election headquarters who came out this week without a reprimand, remark or reprimand from the boss, who acted in a daze as if everything around him was in complete collapse.
The campaign is faltering, anger, unfocused media messages, scolding.
Every day, the media snatches beatings and does not behave properly.
The publication in "Israel Today" this week about the employment of Tal Zilberstein and Maor Avigal at the election headquarters, two who were convicted of crimes - one abroad, the other in Israel - who until now have denied denial or evasion of their employment, added great tension and intensified the crisis. From the direction of Zilberstein himself, who was furious at the things.
Saar clearly positioned himself in a Rak-La-Bibi camp. Anyone who wants to see Netanyahu remain prime minister, said at the beginning that he would not vote for me. Saar has no choice but to present himself as an alternative to Netanyahu on the right, when the Likud's message that Saar cannot form a right-wing government under any circumstances has permeated.
Saar has no base. Unlike the Likud, there is a future, Meretz and Labor campaign gevald. pointing towards, thought pastures, return to running so they would not be deleted. Sa'ar not an option. And if he is no longer perceived as an alternative, you can find a bad-looking, or by Naftali Bennett, remaining at the moment stable.
but still not lost Saar's hopes. The one who can come to his aid is none other than Lapid himself. The two are coordinated and know that only in combined action
Will be able to succeed.
Lapid has already tried to help the storm when he announced that if he won a larger number of seats than his own he would not mind sitting under him, a message that was even reinforced by him recently, when the prime minister began the "Lapid or Netanyahu" campaign.
Now, to help Saar stop the bleeding and prevent a new collapse of hope, Lapid will have to sharpen the message even further, and help Saar present himself as a candidate who despite the fall is still relevant.
Just last week, senior members of Tikva Hadasha spoke openly about the possibility of defectors from the Likud joining their ranks after the election, so that they will give the bloc that wants to oust Netanyahu the 61 required seats.
This week the discourse changed.
Now the Likud is talking about possible defectors who will come from Saar's party.
Many of them have deep roots in the ruling party, and perhaps by pressing the right buttons it will be possible to bring them home.
The Likud is forgiving of defectors, as long as they know when to return.
The magic of the bureau
Netanyahu is encouraging from what is happening with Saar, but still not calm from the durability, which is surprising in his opinion, of Naftali Bennett.
The prime minister's horror scenario is that Bennett will not join his government, even in a situation where his fingers will give him a 61-year-old government, and he will go and realize his dream of becoming prime minister, even in rotation, with Saar and Lapid.
The answer to how much Netanyahu despises Bennett is well known. How much Bennett despises Netanyahu is unknown to almost no one. On the one hand, Bennett is committed to the right, the camp values and the right-wing sentiment. This means joining Netanyahu's 61 government, if there is one, and fulfilling the vision they both talk about. a young man of 48, after less than a decade in politics, the possibility to enter the office of the Prime Minister. this entrance will be accompanied no doubt giving up big on those values because it will contain elements distinctly leftist, but will desires personal can not be ruled out so fast.
just this week, the bright torch that if not be prime minister in any coalition will join it have a future, it will be a political process, not be promoted reforms in the judicial system, and there will be a compromise with the ultra-Orthodox on issues of religion and state. the dilemma of Bennett, therefore, may be cruel.
On the right, this dilemma there is perhaps only In Netanyahu's head, if there are 61 seats to the right, Bennett will have no choice but to join, he estimates
Yam there.
Bennett ran long distances.
He will not sit in the Prime Minister's Office for two years to be subsequently wiped out by the right because he torpedoed a right-wing government and went on another adventure with Yair Lapid and Merav Michaeli.
The last thing he wants is to become a kind of Avigdor Lieberman, who has already changed a line 180 degrees and is clearly on the left side of the map.
Even joining the Likud - which was the one who thought that such a move might lead Bennett and Shaked to the right decision to enter the government - is irrelevant on Bennett's part.
If in the past it was clear that running for prime minister is only possible from one of the major parties, today it is already clear that this is not really the case.
On the left were already two parties that had emerged from the old big parties - Kadima and Blue and White - to run for prime minister.
One of them even won (Ehud Olmert led by Kadima).
Now, for Bennett, it's time for a similar move on the right.
He has no interest in occupying the Likud from within, but from replacing it from without.
The right, in Bennett's opinion, is the new Likud.
Younger, and more rooted in the ideology and values that the Likud has forgotten and blurred over the years.
With Rabbi Druckman on the road, the
one who might benefit from the doubt regarding Bennett's intentions is Bezalel Smutrich.
The Religious Zionist Party clarified exactly what its intentions were on the day after the election.
For many, voting for it has become a strategic vote.
Ensure the passage of the blocking percentage, and perhaps bring in significant right-wing elements, in front of anonymous MKs from the lower places on the Likud list, or from the right.
Anyone who admired Netanyahu's activism, plowing the land from end to end, can certainly not ignore Rabbi Chaim Druckman , That Otto is kissing at the age of 90, together with Smutrich. Goes yeshiva-yeshiva, and encourages supporters of religious Zionism to vote for his list. The enthusiasm among the yeshiva students is great. The elderly, sharp and eloquent rabbi, a much-loved figure in the sector Was to convey better than him, and get the indifferent out of their indifference.
The ultra-Orthodox sector is also showing great interest in the Religious Zionist Party.
Smutrich is a popular figure in the sector and many see him as someone who can be their representative in the Knesset, even though the ultra-Orthodox yeshivas and the needs of the ultra-Orthodox public are not in the forefront of his mind.
The young ultra-Orthodox see the need for sectoral-business parties less than their parents.
Torah Judaism has not been educated in the run-up to the current elections to refresh the ranks, to rejuvenate the list, and the internal wars in it are giving young people the desire they now see in Smutrich, and Itamar Ben Gvir, much more attractive, imbued with ideology, and no less anxious than them, despite their Zionism.
The ultra-Orthodox young people are much more right-wing than their elected representatives and love Netanyahu much more than the leaders of their party.
They know that Moshe Gafni, who today serves as the chairman of Torah Judaism, would have preferred a seat in the left-wing government and has no problem with political negotiations, and do not understand exactly how he represents them.
Smutrich does not wear the same cap as them, but is several times closer to their opinions.
Many of these young people would also be willing to vote for the Likud, and would do so if it were not for a distinctly secular party.
Smutrich gives them a respectable outlet, which includes the entire package: a religious party that is also committed to continuing Netanyahu's rule.
The ultra-Orthodox parties recognize the trend among the young and intend to activate all the heavy guns in the near future in order to bring home even the new and reckless generation that has gone to graze in foreign fields.
In this struggle - all the way to the polls - all known weapons will be pulled out: rabbis, community leaders, rebbes and resolute calls to support parties that will keep the ultra-Orthodox embers.
The Torah Judaism campaign is aimed almost entirely at young people. Frenetic and insulting videos, against the media, against slanderers Religion and in favor of tradition.
Save, conservatives within us
to bud Horowitz did not actually have many choices.
His statement that his party supports the criminal proceedings against Israel in the International Court of Justice in The Hague is tainted with moral distortion and infuriates anyone dear to Israel and IDF soldiers, who are now being abandoned by an Israeli party at the mercy of a foreign, hostile and anti-Semitic tribunal. When it came to saving Meretz from extinction,
when Merav Michaeli was elected Labor leader, the first to greet were Meretz members. Michaeli is closer to the Left Party than any other leader who has ever joined the Labor Party. Meretz began to lose seats for Labor, where there was a spirit of bloom and renewal, until polls showed that it was not currently passing the blocking percentage.
At this point, Meretz tried to launch an attack and accuse Labor of joining Netanyahu. The message did not pass. Peretz Itzik Molly, crawled inside. Horowitz realized that battle should take place in the political arena but ideological. Contrary to Meretz, the message of the work following the decision of the prosecution in the Hague would like the other Zionist parties.
when he heard Horowitz echoes interview G'ida Rinooai-Zoubi against the law
Surrogacy and LGBT rights, he realized that at that moment a grenade had exploded inside the ADF.
The surrogacy law, which passed a preliminary reading contrary to the coalition's position, was initiated by himself.
The liberal issue is as important to Meretz voters as anything else.
Rinway-Zoabi's video in which she corrects her remarks did not cover the damage either.
She said the explanation as someone who had frozen a demon, and it was clear that she did not believe a single word of what she was forced to say.
For many Meretz supporters, with all due respect to the fact that she is an Arab, it turns out, it turns out, that a factor from the conservative camp is being introduced into the Knesset.
A real photographer in the hall.
