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Election Economics Israel today

2021-03-21T22:40:31.084Z


| economy Dealing with the economy is the main issue of the fourth election in less than two years • At the end of the Corona crisis, when there are already many signs of optimism, the main question is how to prevent the collapse of businesses and households, after more than a year of stagnation • Special project Dizengoff center Photo:  Joshua Joseph The citizens of Israel will vote tomorrow for the f


Dealing with the economy is the main issue of the fourth election in less than two years • At the end of the Corona crisis, when there are already many signs of optimism, the main question is how to prevent the collapse of businesses and households, after more than a year of stagnation • Special project

  • Dizengoff center

    Photo: 

    Joshua Joseph

The citizens of Israel will vote tomorrow for the fourth time in less than two years, in the hope that this time a decision will be made, and no further election will be required - a fifth in number.

The never-ending sequence of elections also involves a heavy economic cost to this crisis.

Israel is crossing the corona with relative success worldwide, even compared to richer and larger countries - a trend that is only expected to be overcome in the near future thanks to the most successful vaccination campaign in the world, compared to the chaos in the EU.

The economic issue will this time be a very important element in the election campaign, when the citizens will ask themselves: Who is the party that will succeed in launching the economy on the day after the crisis?

We examined the economic platforms of the parties - both on the basis of the written platform, for those that exist, and on the basis of their statements and their conduct in practice.

The Likud:

Like other issues, the Likud refuses to stick to a specific platform and explicit promises - also on the economic issue.

However, after 12 years of Netanyahu's rule, it can be said that during the prime minister's tenure Israel received a dramatic economic upgrade, largely thanks to his insistence on the gas pipeline, and now not only is Israel not a boycotted state - it is a center for regional economic and economic alliances. Not many years ago they had a cool to hostile attitude towards the Jewish state.

The limited power of the Likud did not allow it to face the challenge of reducing the government and the public apparatus, as well as reforms to reduce centralization.

Netanyahu has extenuating circumstances, such as coalition partners who have not necessarily seen eye to eye with him economically (especially Lapid and Kahlon), but as the one at the top of the pyramid - the responsibility is on him.

It is now clear that the prime minister is ready to return to his days as finance minister, who has cut benefits in the Sharon government, and at least declaratively, seeks to put the economic issue on the agenda - in line with his promise yesterday to "launch the economy" in a column for Israel Today.

There is a future: The

party's platform emphasizes its commitment to a "fair economy", as a counterweight to the "infiltration economy" which the party claims "simply does not work".

This is despite the fact that Israel is among the few countries in the OECD where inequality is actually reduced (according to the Taub Institute, net household income in the bottom quintile increased by 4% in 2017-2012

Compared with 3.1% in the top quintile).

Bish Atid claims that the money goes "to isolated settlements, meetings and the provision of benefits to the capitalists" while "neglecting the Israeli middle class" and promises to direct "designated, transparent budgets, instead of coalition funds."

The party promises an "Israeli New Deal" while investing in infrastructure, employing ultra-Orthodox men, raising the retirement age for women, "strengthening the public sector" - but without mentioning the Histadrut, budgetary pensions or large committees.

Right:

The highlight of the Bennett campaign is the Singapore tax reduction and deregulation program.

Bennett proposes to dramatically reduce tax levels, with the aim of stimulating the economy, dismantling the monopolies and cartels of the IEC, the post office, airports, seaports and trains, banning strikes in essential services, eliminating the Israel Land Authority, sharp cuts in regulation and bureaucracy, opening the bottleneck Tech, transparency in workers' organizations and many other diverse proposals that the economic left contemptuously calls the "Ecclesiastical Plan."

On the face of it, this is a wet dream for anyone who wants an open, powerful and strong Israeli economy.

The question is how Bennett seeks to implement this welcome policy.

New hope:

Gideon Saar's party has released the "Five Points Program for Rehabilitation and Economic Growth" - which focuses on growth, infrastructure, employment, the self-employed and the periphery.

Saar's plan is much less detailed and in-depth than Bennett's, but still promises to increase growth by 23% (exactly) within five years, raise Israel's ranking in the ease of doing business index, provide a social safety net for the self-employed and at the same time remove barriers and increase 35% the investment in infrastructure.

As for the corona, New Hope claims that there are "a million unemployed" (in practice the number is much lower) and claims that "the government has no plan", but in practice offers similar plans to those the government is already running to get workers back to work.

The joint list:

Appropriate for the party in which the Communist Hadash is a member, the joint list places all economic responsibility on the shoulders of the state: "The list will work for social justice, protection of workers' rights and the oppressed, protection of the environment and social and economic rights of all citizens." The list, which will also "fight against poverty and unemployment in Arab society, will work to raise the minimum wage, raise child benefits, raise old-age and special needs benefits, as well as ensure the rights to health, education, work and welfare in general."

Shas and Torah Judaism:

Although the ultra-Orthodox parties have strongly broken to the right in the political sphere in recent years, they have traditionally adopted a relatively June economic line. Aryeh Deri repeats the mantra that "caring for the weak is a tradition," relying on state mechanisms. A similar spirit is heard from Torah Judaism, however, both parties praise the removal of barriers and regulation in order to encourage growth and tax relief.

Meretz and Labor: The

Meretz Party advocates deepening the state's involvement in the economy, while "establishing a welfare state", abolishing the entire expenditure and numerator (ie opening for a dramatic increase in debt), heavy differential taxation including inheritance tax, focusing on the issue of economic disparities

The Labor Party aims to "strengthen organized labor", expand public housing, increase civilian spending by tens of billions and raise benefits.

Blue and white:

Promises to invest in infrastructure, compare the rights of the self-employed to employees including unemployment benefits, reduce disparities, and in the same breath reduce the cost of living and free competition.

The Gantz-led party also calls for an increase in the integration of ultra-Orthodox men and Arab women in the employment market. 

Religious Zionism:

Bezalel Smutrich and members of his party have an economic worldview similar to that of Bennett, which advocates opening up the Israeli economy to competition, reducing taxes and cutting regulation and the power of workers' and Histadrut committees, improving transportation and communications infrastructure, increasing self-employment and self-employment. My government for the ultra-Orthodox population in core studies.

The Economic Party:

Prof. Yaron Zelicha surprised with the establishment of a party, and in order to change competition for the position of Minister of Finance and not the Prime Minister.

When he announced the formation of the party at the end of last year, he mocked anyone who criticized the prime minister, especially Bennett and Saar, who he said did nothing even when they could, dismantle monopolies and reduce centralization.

Zelicha talks about war on monopolies and growth, but does not elaborate on the course of action, other than the promise "I know how to do it, how to lower the cost of housing."

Zelicha, who was the Accountant General in the Treasury, has since served as an adviser to the Histadrut and the monopolies, and in the polls it seems that he does not pass the blocking percentage.

Source: israelhayom

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