If the Likud has any possibility of forming a government without "new hope", it is not certain that they will want Saar as a coalition partner • Cooperation with Abbas can only take place without a constitutional claim to the Nationality Law • Opinion
He placed himself in a leap position whenever Netanyahu's political assassination seemed imminent.
Gideon Saar
Photo:
Yossi Zeliger
At this point, Benjamin Netanyahu survives six years longer than the life expectancy allocated to him by Noni Mozes, Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid, Avigdor Lieberman and Gideon Saar. Yes, in retrospect, Saar's saga against Netanyahu in its current form began in September 2014, to be exact on the 17th of the month, when Gideon announced Saar surprisingly and for no apparent reason his resignation from political life. "Timeout", it was set. After all, what logical reason did a senior minister, who acted well as interior minister, announce his retirement about a year and a half after taking office.
It seems that even then he was the fourth, covert actor to act in cooperation with the trio of prime ministers who stood out in neutralizing Netanyahu at the time. Bennett and Lieberman brought insanity to the forefront of the security system during the Eitan cliff crisis. At the very beginning of the operation, Lieberman decided to undermine the stability of the government and the status of the prime minister, when he withdrew with the Yisrael Beiteinu faction from the partnership with the Likud. This is the foreign minister.
After the operation, Gideon Saar described it as a "failed operation."
Commentator Mazal Mualem then mentioned the repeated possibility of founding the "Likud Retirees" party.
Something along the lines of the Center Party, at the time.
Mention was then made of a matter of bringing forward the Likud primaries, which Saar saw as a move by Netanyahu directed against him.
But leaving at the time is a far-reaching move compared to the tactical exercise against him.
Therefore, in hindsight, it seems that Saar, like most commentators, anticipated, and given the atmosphere at the time, that the trio of prime ministers would lead to a political crisis followed by early elections.
The election took place about six months after his retirement.
The interpretive speech was that the Likud led by Netanyahu would be defeated by the Herzog and Livni Zionist camp.
Gideon Saar built on the end of the Netanyahu era.
So are Bennett and Lieberman.
If that had happened, Saar would have obeyed the "law of the movement" and returned to fight for Netanyahu's legacy.
But something went wrong.
In complete surprise, Bibi survived and won the election.
By the way, he won with worse data than in the last election.
The bloc of the right plus Lieberman was only 57, and the Likud received the same number of seats as it does today.
It is only that the influence of the media and its commentators, together with the difficult left, is capable of pumping "failure" into "Netanyahu."
It is as if not the right, but Netanyahu;
And Yair Lapid with 17 seats plows the field of recommenders.
Saar finally returned to politics, to the Likud, in April 2017. He was full of praise for Netanyahu.
"My goal is to ensure that the Likud movement will lead the country in the future as well," he said, which should have been taken for granted.
"We went through eight difficult years, in front of a government that did not always see eye to eye as we saw, and I want to praise Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu who stood up to the pressures ... and defended our interests during those eight years.
But the pressures, the challenges, the problems, are not behind us.
We recognize the danger of returning to the same demand from Israel to return to the 1967 lines, which ... we have always believed that endangers Israel's future;
In the face of this danger, the people's resilience must be strengthened and the Likud strengthened as the main national political movement in the State of Israel. "
The reason for Gideon Saar's return was probably political predictions. On the one hand, the rise of the Trump administration. The ruling class in Israel is that Netanyahu will not survive. In the entire period since his retirement, Saar has been accepted as a political attaché to the security establishment: he is a research fellow at the INSS, and the institute, located at Tel Aviv University and headed for many years by Maj. Gen. (Res.) Political-security interface. It serves as a reflection of the consensus in the security establishment, coordinated with the American defense establishment with an emphasis on the part of the Democratic Party within it.
Ahead of the April 2019 elections Bennett and Shaked embark on their terrible electoral adventure, which rose to the right by several good seats, which would have saved the tangle that has existed since then.
All these personalities place themselves in a leap position towards the filing of the indictment, which they believe will lead to its elimination. The political of Nathan
Yahweh;
Apparently, his resignation.
There was talk all the time about elections in 2018, at the end of the elections were in April 2019, when before them the attorney general intervened in them by submitting the letter of suspicion against the prime minister.
But as you know, Bibi persevered.
The year of the fight against the corona virus pushed Gideon Saar to the margins.
Whoever became his deputy, Tikvot Ha'am as Deputy Prime Minister Yifat Shasha Bitton, made a small political fortune from her position as head of the Corona Committee in the Knesset.
Saar, and especially Bennett, Lieberman and Yair Lapid, tried to eliminate Netanyahu in the epidemic.
Saar spoke of the treatment of the corona in the same terms as in the days of the solid cliff.
A complete failure.
Therefore, in hindsight, Saar announced the departure of the Likud on December 8, 2020 and the establishment of a "new hope."
All out of the thought that Netanyahu is on his way home or to prison.
Most sources did not estimate that the vaccination campaign would begin within two weeks of its announcement, and that the campaign would be extremely successful and lead to a decision.
Israel is ranked fifth in the world in the level of epidemic treatment.
It can be assumed that Saar's assessments on the subject were not different from those of Amnon Abramovitch, who watched vaccinations in Israel at the end of 2021. or of Yair Lapid.
The conclusion is, 'Just not Bibi, "Sa'ar weightless, and originated a long-standing personal struggle against Likud leader and prime minister. The election results do not lie. The man became a trustee of the ruling class, and as such has lost its loyalty to the right in Israel.
When confronted Sharon During his time with Netanyahu, who tried to deprive him of his position in government, Sharon used his personal guns and real weight. He had his own historical security security force. Saar was found to lack a basic trait of the ability to predict developments. He also lacked the ability to chart strategy and achieve goals accordingly. His perception of the possibility of a war between Israel and Hezbollah on the northern front is that Israel has no ability to decide against Hezbollah without paying a heavy price - too heavy - in the home front, which makes the campaign option a reasonable option. If the Likud has any possibility of forming a government without "new hope", it is not certain that they will want Saar as a coalition partner.
An ideological line of confrontation
Cooperation with Mansour Abbas can only take place without a constitutional claim to the Nationality Law, and is not similar to the participation of PLO representatives in the coalition
and this is where Mansour Abbas' Ram party enters.
For the first time in years, there is a real debate on the right.
Not disagreements but exchanges of views, because both sides are on the same Zionist ground, which cares for the benefit of Israel and the future of the state and the people.
Therefore, there is a willingness to listen and be convinced.
By and large, if there is no constitutional demand on the part of the Abbas party, for example to repeal or freeze the Nationality Law, it is possible to open up for its participation in the coalition.
The words of the Knesset members of RAAM in the past are not binding today. The difference between this party and the joint list is that the joint is an Jordanian movement, active on behalf of the PLO, in order to do everything for the dissolution of the State of Israel.
It has many partners in the Israeli left.
We will not forget Ayman's travels to America;
His canceled meeting with a Jewish leader only because his office is located on the same floor of a building in New York where the Jewish Agency's offices are located.
Odeh proved that he had undergone the brainwashing that merged anti-Zionism in the printing of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
So is Abtissam's statement that the Jews are a domineering, possessive and cowardly people - a statement that means more than her violent fantasy of seeing the extinction of Zichron Yaacov.
The Labor Party sees Maraana as a mishap, but only at the level of an election campaign.
At the ideological level, it integrates with the Labor Party and Meretz, which are moving further and further away from Zionism and the national and social interests of the nation.
RAAM marks a new line among Sunni Islam, which stands out even among Muslim thinkers in Saudi Arabia: Reconciliation with the State of Israel, its acceptance as part of the peoples of the region, beyond the Arab-Israeli alliance against Iran, embodied in Abrahamic agreements. The
line of confrontation today is ideological; On the battlefield and more on the battlefield of propaganda, international law, international organizations. Daniel Pipes stated about two years ago that the international left hates the State of Israel more than the Arab world. The same part of Western Israel that strives for pragmatic partnership and equality - without serving Israel's enemies.
In the face of the real challenges facing Israel - in the economy, in the treatment of the health system, in foreign and security issues - Gideon Saar may be as problematic in the coalition as he is in the Gantz coalition.
If the left sees in partnership with Abbas a license to share Odeh and Tibi, it will only be out of exploitation of ethnic generalization, not to mention racist: they are all Arabs, so what does it matter?
On an ideological and consensual basis there is a profound difference, and these differences need to be clarified.
Opposite Mansour Abbas is the nightmare of the Bibipov government, to which Saar and Lieberman mentally belong.
The cathedral is empty of
humanity and has become a dirty word
among circles in America, so for decades no proper cinema
has
been made there
.
There's not much to expect from the Oscars in a few weeks, that you lit sparks.
It will again be a party ceremony in the style of the Writers' Conference in Moscow in 1934.
And it will be reminiscent of the fact that American cinema has been in decline for many years before the outbreak of the plague, which not only affected the houses of worship of well-known religions, such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam;
But completely collapsed the temples of the silver screen, to which people would march to have a redeeming cultural experience, if possible, along with a few dozen or hundreds more popcorn shredders.
The temples of the cinema have been like empty shells for a long time.
Like the churches and cathedrals in the US or Sweden. These have only gained significance in recent years when Islamist extremists burned them in France.
A friend told me that he could not see a movie made before 2005. Why 2005?
Not important.
But as early as 1994, in some concluding article of her years as a film critic, Pauline Kyle wrote without hesitation that American cinema had become "moldy."
If in the 1990s it was already moldy, today it is crowded and fossilized;
Typical examples are Aron Sorkin's film "The Sword from Chicago," and David Fincher's "Heavenly Monk," about the screenwriter of "Citizen Kane."
What highlights the chewy and lifeless essence of American cinema, which has been largely replaced by Netflix, are actually Israeli and French TV series and films.
Courtesy of the Corona you could also watch old movies like "And God Created the Woman" (Brigitte Bardot) or "The Army of Shadows" (Jean-Pierre Melville), and the group of fantastic Israeli actresses of the current generation - Noa Koller, Neta Riskin, Ayelet Zorer , Shira Haas, to name the leaders.
An American film critic has accused French director Eric Rohmer, who is too conservative and not progressive, following a re-viewing, God forbid.
He does not follow in the footsteps of the party line of the Black Lives Matter and Antifa, what is more, he directed his films at a time when the radical left was trying to set France on fire.
In other words, Rohmer is too human, and an American woman is incapable of laughing at a loose, natural laughter unless a political score is attached to it.
