Attendees with masks at a PAN electoral rally in Miguel Hidalgo, Mexico City.Moisés Pablo / Cuartoscuro
Mexico begins the largest electoral campaign in its history and possibly one of the strangest due to an unexpected protagonist: the covid, which remains to be seen to what extent it modifies the course of electoral events.
The controversy also rages between the National Electoral Institute (INE) and the ruling party, Morena, which has seen how they prevented the registration of fifty candidates and has not spared in criticism, even suggesting the extinction of the Institute itself. President of Morena, Mario Delgado, seems to him to be playing against him in a partisan way.
Although the president will not appear on the ballot, the next June elections are shaping up to be an immense referendum with two major poles: the parties in favor and against the Andrés Manuel López Obrador project, which arrives strengthened and as a leader in the polls of most of the charges at stake.
In addition to the classic issues that affect the country, such as violence and insecurity, this time vaccines against the pandemic are added, because the Va por México alliance - the coalition between the Institutional Revolutionary Party, the National Action Party (PAN) and the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) -, suggest that they can become a tool to get votes from López Obrador's party.
A tool that opponents also do not waste in their rallies.
The leader of the PAN, Marko Cortés, has also promised more biological and clean energy, one of the weaknesses of the current government.
The PAN, the PRI and the PRD, former rivals and protagonists of politics in recent decades, have decided to form an opposition front to recover from the disaster suffered in the 2018 elections and defend the last remaining fiefdoms in the face of popularity and popularity. electoral drag of the president.
However, Morena, who plays above all his majority in the Chamber of Deputies, starts as a favorite in more than half of the 15 states that will go to the polls to elect governor.
Voters who turned their backs on the traditional parties and who are disenchanted with the current government are leading an increasingly large segment of undecided.
Feminism is another of the movements that have the most to say in this campaign, with a protagonist who continues to make a lot of noise, Morena's standard-bearer for the governorship of Guerrero, Félix Salgado Macedonio, whose electoral candidacy has been annulled by the INE due to deficiencies in your pre-election accounts.
Salgado, who has been asked to respect the decision, ignores and calls what are clearly political rallies marches.
This Sunday another was organized in Acapulco to claim his return to the race.
Thousands of followers shouted again that Salgado is "the hope" and the decision of the people for Guerrero.
Between music, the politician, accused of two rapes, began his electoral journey even with his candidacy suspended.
The Complaints and Complaints Commission has ordered Morena not to spread the image of Salgado as a candidate.
The Electoral Tribunal will have the last word on the political future of the licensed senator, who has opted to crouch in the support that the president has given him.
It is not the only front that Morena has open with the INE, which has also overthrown Raúl Morón's candidacy as a candidate for governor of Michoacán.
For Delgado, both leaders are the people's choice and he has accused two advisers of the Institute, Lorenzo Córdova and Ciro Murayama, of "traitors to democracy" for
"
wanting to alter the will of the citizen," he said in Campeche recently.
Córdova has defended himself by pointing out that they are being subjected to pressure to intimidate them, but he reaffirms the institution's commitment to continue being a “vigilant referee” in this process, in which 10 political parties and two coalitions are involved.
Three new formations, which have decided to orbit as satellites of the López Obrador movement, seek to exceed the threshold of 3% of the votes to maintain the record.
The fight with the INE has marked the weeks prior to the start of the campaign, also due to the president's actions in the morning hours, which the Institute considers are inappropriate speeches at election time and has prohibited the full broadcasting of these morning conferences, which now they will be edited by the media as they see fit.
This weekend, the president, who days before signed an agreement with all the governors to avoid foul play in the campaign, published in his networks a vignette of the Snooper critical of the PRI and the PAN, which has once again awakened the controversy.
The advantage with which López Obrador's party goes out to compete is manifest.
The latest polls gave him the winner without the sum of his political opponents overshadowing him, which would give him enormous power in the institutions.
This unbalanced correlation of forces is what the opposition leaders seek to overthrow, who insist that the concentration of power in the presidential seat implies a point of no return for Mexican democracy.
The president of the PRD, Jesús Zambrano, has assured, for example, that if this balance is not changed between them, the freedom of the country will be in question in the coming years.
Morena, at the other extreme, turns the same message around: the regime change promoted by López Obrador and that has struggled to materialize beyond the speeches again needs the massive support of the voters to be a reality.
Violence is another of the main concerns of citizens in all states where elections are held, whether to renew the governorship, municipal presidencies or seats in local Congresses.
A total of 20,000 charges will go through the polls.
But some candidates have already lost their lives in the attempt.
65 politicians and 80 civil servants without militancy have been assassinated in this pre-campaign since last September, with data closed for March, according to the exhaustive count carried out by the consulting firm Etellekt.
The municipal area continues to be the most punished and Veracruz, the state at the top of the list, which accounts for 13.8% of the victims.
This electoral process is already the second most violent since the peak suffered in 2000. There is also no shortage of other types of attacks, such as threats, kidnappings, violence against family members or damage to property.
45% of the attacks were carried out with bullets.
One fact that Etellekt always highlights is the majority incidence of these murders on opposition politicians who seek to change the electoral sign in their towns.
The PRI is the most affected formation so far, with 13 fatalities.
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