Almost any of Bennett's demands will be met if he agrees to join, but as long as there are more options for him - Netanyahu will continue to sweat • And Smutrich sharpens the tone regarding relying on RAAM: "Even if I am not part of such a government, I will fight against its formation " • Interpretation
Netanyahu and Bennett
Photo:
Jonathan Zindel / Flash 90
Naftali Bennett broadcasts that as long as the mandate to form a government with Netanyahu, all his own efforts are directed to the success of the establishment work, and therefore any other government is irrelevant for the next 28 days.
Accordingly, Bennett rejected repeated attempts by Yair Lapid and Gideon Saar to advance on Channel Two as well, the one designed to form a government that would oust Netanyahu and lean on left-wing parties.
In the Likud is boiling.
That is not enough, they say in Netanyahu's entourage.
As long as Bennett broadcasts that there is another option, it will not be possible to form a government.
Everyone understands that if Netanyahu fails, they are not going to the elections yet, because now it will be Bennett and Lapid's turn.
Ayelet Shaked is not moved by the criticism.
"Our priority is to form a right-wing government," she states.
"Once Netanyahu has received the mandate, everything will be done to help him succeed. This is our first priority."
Shaked does not specify the type of assistance that Bennett will provide to Netanyahu, nor the list of demands.
"Bennett made Netanyahu understand that in any situation in which he would get a government, he could count the fingers of right-wingers as those who would vote with him, subject of course to the success of the negotiations and the fulfillment of the demands. If Netanyahu brings defectors - Bennett with him. M - Bennett will support.
But beyond that, it does not seem that Bennett intends to sweat for the formation of a government headed by Netanyahu.
All of Bennett's demands regarding senior positions in the government, a merger with the Likud and armored activists in the movement's institutions will be met.
This is how Netanyahu made him understand.
The only thing that is out of the question at the moment is rotation.
Certainly not first, and currently not second either.
"This is the last concern.
From the moment he received the mandate, Netanyahu set the priorities for forming a government, from easy to heavy. The first move is to try to remove Bezalel Smutrich from the tree of resistance. M, so this is not on the agenda. But Netanyahu has not yet said he is desperate. In the coming days, the prime minister intends to spend several nights convincing Smutrich to be flexible. For Netanyahu, RAAM is easy money.
Its avoidance, and there is a government within two days.
Smutrich, for his part, not only does not moderate the tone in relation to a government that relies on the avoidance of RAM, but also exacerbates it. I am in no way prepared for such a government, he says, because it will be a cry for generations. He emphasizes that "my opposition is in principle Regardless of whether I am part of this government or not.
It's not like Litzman who did not want to be part of a government that desecrates Shabbat, so he resigned so that his hand would not be above.
This is not the case with me.
Even if I am not part of the government, I will fight against the formation of such a government.
Whether from the inside or from the outside.
Therefore I will not refrain nor be absent.
I will resist in any situation and in any situation.
In my opinion, this is a disaster that must be prevented. "
If indeed nothing helps and Smutrich sticks to his position, Netanyahu will try to lead a move in which religious Zionism will support the government from the outside, without entering it. Currently Smutrich completely denies this
option
.
The next option in case of failure is Appeal to Gideon Saar. It is estimated that Saar will not come at all, and if so, it will only be if he knows that in one way or another he succeeded in removing Netanyahu from power. One of the options is to limit his tenure. Netanyahu will promise that this is the last term. Collateral can be requested without Netanyahu finding a loophole to evade them. Therefore, this option is also quite pressing.
Another option, supported by Naftali Bennett, is a rotation in which Bennett is the first for one year. The chairman of the right will enter the prime minister's office. An assault that will support a right-wing government, when the prime minister is not Netanyahu, while Netanyahu will return to his post after a year.
Currently the Prime Minister completely rejects the proposal.
It is also not at all clear what Saar will do after a year when Netanyahu is due to return.
Will he stay under it?
Or will he retire and leave Netanyahu without a coalition?
There is no knowing.
Netanyahu does not intend to take the risk.
There is a theoretical possibility of introducing defectors.
This is the weakest option of all.
None of the relevant players are resistant enough to the violent media attacks that will be directed at him if he does.
After all, there is no greater crime in this world than sitting down with Netanyahu and holding his government.
Bennett undertook not to enthrone Lapid, not even in rotation.
So is Assault.
These are promises that are already clear to be broken to the extent that they are given the opportunity.
But for these violations get an immediate pardon.
From the media, it is not clear if from the public as well.
No meeting point can be found.
Meanwhile, Lapid and Saar are planning, not least through Zeev Elkin, the day after Netanyahu's mandate. Although the threat of elections will then be more tangible, it does not guarantee a coalition. Currently, there is no majority in the Bennett-led government if the president imposes the task of forming the government after Netanyahu. In this case, too, the government will have to rely on the avoidance of an Arab party.
Although it seems that all sides have matured with the idea and are ready for it, from Bennett and Saar through Lapid and Lieberman, for Bennett it is a big, too big leap. Not only because the government relies on MKs from an Arab party, but that it is the government left all intents and purposes. Therefore insists Bennett most of the government, the cabinet and the ministerial committee for legislation.
If he could put the coalition agreements some achievements "right-handed" significant, eg in the legal and settlement He believes that his constituents will agree to swallow the bitter capsule. At the moment, Lapid is not really flowing. For him, giving up first place in the rotation is a sweeping waiver as well. The
one who may torpedo the whole move is actually the president. To say the least. If the president decides not to grant the mandate to anyone after Netanyahu, his tendency is to pass the mandate directly to the Knesset, as he told Ayelet Shaked during their meeting.
In that case, the fifth election is almost certain. A minority government is no longer on the agenda. - 61 signatures in order to form a government, so Bennett, Saar and Lapid will need the signatures of some MKs from the Arab parties. The two made it clear that with all their desire to replace Netanyahu, and with all their willingness to be supported by an outside Arab list with no choice, they would not be willing to accept such active support.
Just not opposition
Bennett is not enthusiastic about the possibility of Netanyahu failing to form a government and the mandate going to him or the Knesset, but he is preparing for that option. From the torch he demands one plus pluses, meaning that the decision will be in the hands of the right. Bennett's logic, from the heights of the seven seats he received, in light of which he is demanding the prime minister and even a majority in the government and its important forums, rests on the fact that the majority of the people, as reflected in the election, are on the right.
Bennett told Lapid that if the right-wing index is 7, Lapid 5, Labor 4 and Meretz-3, then a government should be formed that will be around 6. And it is not possible to form a government 5 or 4 in the index. Lapid accepted the thesis, but when the two came to translate it into practical decisions - Lapid withdrew and refused. Labor and Meretz are also strongly opposed.
Bennett would very much like to persuade the ultra-Orthodox factions to join instead of relying on the Arab MKs. However, this will not be an easy task. In the current reality, Aryeh Deri and Shas are fully committed to Netanyahu. Deri's voters named Shas at the ballot box only on the basis of his promise that he would sit only in the Netanyahu government.
It seems that Deri's only option to join a coalition that does not include Netanyahu will only be if Netanyahu is ousted and a government is formed even without Shas. In that case, after a few months in opposition, Deri will be able to join and explain why he was forced to do so. In another government without Netanyahu, especially if it is a government that can be presented as a right-wing government. The
ultra-Orthodox elected are not really on the right. Except perhaps Meir Porush. Moshe Gafni, chairman of Torah Judaism, defines himself as a leftist. They will have no problem going for another option, except for two other obstacles that await them in the alternative government: Yair Lapid and Avigdor Lieberman. The presence of the two will make it very difficult for the ultra-Orthodox to join the government. Even if the guidelines on religion and state are agreed upon in advance.
It is estimated that if there is such a possibility, Gafni will be the leading force to enter while Porush will push not to do so. In the past, amid such disagreements, Torah Judaism split into Agudat Yisrael and Degel HaTorah. In the Sharon government, for example. It is not certain that this will happen this time as well. With only flag members, Gafni will not be able to afford to enter government with Lapid and Lieberman. Only an ultra-Orthodox force as large as a double contract can work.
Therefore, it seems that in the event that Netanyahu does not form the government, Deri, Litzman and Gafni will prefer to go to further elections. If the option is opposition, the game will likely reopen a few months later.
Meanwhile, the leaders of the ultra-Orthodox parties are busy denying claims, which are occasionally heard, as if they have already said that if Netanyahu fails, they may join Bennett, Lapid and Saar. They just seem to be missing it. That the young voters will believe that the veteran representatives in the Knesset are kicking Netanyahu. They know they will be next in line to be kicked out by their constituents.
