What the transitional governments have achieved with one hand tied behind their back, the "healing" government will only have to preserve • In 2009 Netanyahu inherited ruins, in 2021 Israel is a power • Opinion
1.
Assuming that it does happen, and we know that it is legitimate parliamentary terms, we are going to be exposed to one amusing ironies in the history of Israeli politics: one coming in Balfour arrives there with much less public sympathy for the man that runs away.
In fact, it may get worse: Judging by the reactions on social media, this man will enter Balfour with less sympathy than he had on election day.
And the absurdity will accompany us in the future as well.
Meretz man, MK Yair Golan, tweeted about a rotation with Bennett: "This is an illusory and unstable solution, but for the future of Israel I will swallow this frog." , And open a cabinet meeting when your desperate partners see you as a "frog" who needs to be swallowed.
Bennett: I will work to form a unity government // Photo: Knesset Channel
2.
The rhetoric of the transformation group should be read as a group dynamic. Counsel for the urgent need for unity, the embracing cellophane of Yesh Atid for a sane government to work for us, the justifiable "I had no choice" proclamation of Naftali Bennett on Saturday night. What an argument not to take out of the autosuggestion bag for some self-conviction. Suddenly Joaz Handel explains that a unity government under Lapid is a dreamlike ideal at all, and finds no last resort to save the honor after a humiliating six-seat fiasco. Norwegian law will also come soon so as not to leave behind the members who were shocked to discover that the people, unlike Twitter, did not want them in the Knesset.
And suddenly Bennett also joins the nonsense propaganda about "the country is stuck" and "it is impossible to continue like this" and "everything is just no more elections."
Let's face the truth: what these lame transitional governments have achieved with a hand tied back, the "healing" government will only have to preserve: a government that manages to get Israel out of the corona in a way that makes red Europe envious is probably not "the worst in Israeli governments."
When unemployment rates fall and the economy recovers from the crisis because "first and foremost a livelihood" - it is not the missing hand that does it.
Political agreements whose fruits are reaped on a daily basis, and in particular operational achievements that leave Israel's jaw-dropping enemies, do not happen thanks to the bureaucracy.
It's time to kick this demagoguery, because there is - and has been in our recent history - much worse.
3.
There is something red persistent propaganda that explained to us that nothing is more urgent now than "change".
And it's disappointing to see Bennett and Shaked get carried away with this Osloism of "if we don't do something extreme now - the country will go to Pipe for us."
With all due respect, it's time to answer this nonsense.
When the bloc of change promises to put us back on the path of sanity and healing, and when Merav Michaeli Pinat Yair Golan has the courage to firmly state that Netanyahu is dangerous to Israel's security, that he should free the country from its suffocation 2009 - the year in which Netanyahu took over the country.
In this damned decade, Israelis really felt suffocated.
So there really was a nightmare atmosphere of horror in the streets.
So we really experienced financial anxiety.
And then we were really torn from internal conflicts.
Let's remember for a moment: the end of Oslo and its attacks, the events of October 2000, the bursting of the dot-com bubble at the turn of the millennium, the second intifada, the disengagement, the Second Lebanon War, the Goldstone report: To rehabilitate Israel from its ruins?
The point, then, is simple: it is impossible to build a government on bluffs.
Not on disguising the motives and aspirations, nor on rendering the absurd ideological gaps, certainly not on the absence of basic lines - which were suddenly reminded that such were needed at all.
And there is reason to believe that deep down, both Bennett and Saar and Lapid understand that, unlike the demolitions inherited by Netanyahu in 2009, they do not really have much to repair and rehabilitate and change.
For a start, it would not be bad if they drew a little on the vapor of Netanyahu's successes, and tried not to destroy themselves.