05/04/2021 22:00
Clarín.com
Opinion
Updated 05/04/2021 10:14 PM
Vice President Cristina Fernández surprised Monday with a rosary of tweets with
compliments to Joe Biden. He loved his program of expanding public spending, which will lead the head of the White House to the issuance of dollars. No of Argentine pesos.
Subtle difference.
If the lady had coherence, after her complaint about an alleged
"institutional coup"
by the Supreme Court ruling that endorsed the autonomy of the City and the right of Horacio Rodríguez Larreta to dispose of Education, we
would have to wait for an imminent clatter in favor of Nayib Bukele.
That surname, so loose, would say little for the common of the mortals. It is the 38-year-old president of El Salvador. He was consecrated in February 2019 by winning in the second round. He belongs to the right-wing Great Alliance for National Unity. He has just removed the Attorney General and replaced the judges of the Constitutional Court. In the name of a "truly free and sovereign" country.
The deeds and words sound dangerously familiar to Argentina.
Washington and the European Union have been denouncing those abuses.
The irruptions of the vice president, at this point, should not be surprising.
The problem would now be Alberto Fernández.
The President who in 2013, when he was in the plain and the former president rehearsed the democratization of Justice that brought down the Supreme Court, published the following tweet: “If CFK does not understand why the Court is a“ counter-power ”we should find out who approved it in Constitutional Law.
Enough of sophistry ".
The old tweet by Alberto Fernández criticizing Cristina Kirchner for the Supreme Court.
The same person
- if he is the same -
now enthroned was saddened this Tuesday by the
"decrepitude of the Law converted into sentences."
It was a direct shot against Carlos Rosenkrantz.
Ricardo Lorenzetti, Juan Carlos Maqueda and Horacio Rosatti who built the majority of a vote (Elena Highton moved away) whose institutional content is of enormous significance.
Because, at the base, it places limits on
the claim to violate the explicit letter of the Constitution amended in 1994,
in that Constituent Assembly where Cristina was an active protagonist.
On another lifeline, the recognition of the judges that grants the City the power to administer educational policy could be considered.
Also the exceptional situation posed by the tragedy of the pandemic.
In this plane, which the Court addressed, one of the
great failures
of the Government would
be hidden
. The Treasury Attorney, Carlos Zannini, vaccinated with privilege, was in charge of the official defense against the City. A paragraph of the ruling stoned it: "
The National Executive has not provided suitable and sufficient grounds to sustain a federal sanitary authority that allows it to legislate in regard to the educational modality in the area of CABA,"
said Maqueda and Rosatti in their writing. .
In Alberto's case, there are other aggravating factors. It got where it came from because of Cristina's political need to anoint
a moderate
. That from his position as Professor of Law and friend of the late Attorney, Esteban Righi - fired in 2012 by the vice president as a result of the Ciccone case, which convicted Amado Boudou - molded his institutionalist image.
Such a profile is fading disturbingly
by Kirchnerist pressures and his own political weakness.
Its twist could explain certain things.
It also sows a lot of questions.
The alleged burden of former Minister Marcela Losardo, who had to resign from the Justice portfolio, is fully understood.
Also the loneliness that is noticed in his close circle, of the imagined Albertism.
Can it be assumed that his friends Juan Olmos, chief adviser, Julio Vitobello, Secretary General, or Vilma Ibarra, Legal and Technical Secretary, would accompany the new version close to the autocracy?
Would they be partners in the idea of traveling a path that is destined for regime change?
The same questions could fit for a couple of allies.
Above all, the head of the Chamber of Deputies, Sergio Massa.
Also Chancellor Felipe Solá.
The political fight with Larreta
The President has reached this point
by abandoning politics.
He offered his role as a moderate and denies dialogue and consensus as tools for coexistence and transformation into democracy.
It is not necessary to go back to the slap that, in the midst of the pandemic, the City Coparticipation - an issue pending resolution in the Supreme Court - to rescue Axel Kicillof, the governor of Buenos Aires, a disciple of the vice president, from a police conflict.
He turned the educational issue into a political fight against Rodríguez Larreta
.
He closed the doors that were opened on more than one occasion.
Rodríguez Larreta and Alberto Fernández at the last meeting in Olivos.
It was when the President announced without consulting the City the closure of the schools.
Photo: Presidency
It decided with that DNU on which the Court was issued to close the classrooms in the City while a negotiation was in progress. It was carried by the minister of the area, Nicolás Trotta. He repeated the mechanism with the new DNU that he announced last week. Trotta was then in dialogue with his counterpart from the City, Soledad Acuña, to impose a system of
“managed assistance”
. It was not clear what it would consist of.
But he showed a negotiating vocation.
In fact, by way of input, the City Chief had decided to restrict attendance at secondary schools. To lower the distribution circulation of COVID. Nothing, in the end, changed.
The President knew beforehand that he was on the threshold of
a misstep
. Cristina and Kirchnerism prevented a correction. Hence his proposal to send a project to Congress - it will only happen on the 21st of this month - so that
it delegates powers in the health emergency.
After the Court's ruling and its untimely reaction, along with Cristina's, an interpellation could be asked:
What disposition will there be in Together for Change and some other opposition sector to make room for a request of that tenor?
Difficult to decipher the official strategy.
The conflict with Justice intensifies at an extremely sensitive moment.
The pandemic and sanitary precariousness (due to the lack of vaccines) covers the stage
. Alberto is planning a trip to Europe. Together with his questioned Minister of the Economy, Martín Guzmán. Shot by Kirchnerism and La Cámpora. The tour has been limited to France and the Vatican. Negotiations with the Paris Club and the search for support for an agreement with the International Monetary Fund are pending.
How much will rebellion against the Supreme Court ruling help the mission? How much use will it be for the President to disqualify the ruling and challenge that “we will do what we must?”
Emanuel Macron is one of the European leaders who condemns Bukele's attacks in El Salvador.
The revenues of the domestic policy could be left for another instance.
Without a doubt,
Rodriguez Larreta comes out stronger.
Outside and inside Together for Change.
In the same way that several governors hang from a brush.
The case of Omar Perotti, from Santa Fe, who suspended face-to-face classes for a week to satisfy the President.
He ate a strong casserole in Rosario.
The important thing seems to be that, beyond their internal dissent, the majority of the Supreme Court found valid reasons to converge in the defense of the established institutional order.
Also, to strike a blow at arrogance and authoritarian spasms.
Look also
Schools: the Court only reflected the political error that the government made due to its blindness with the crack
El Salvador: the rule of law, trampled on by the President
