Iván Jaksic Andrade, at his home in the Providencia district, in Santiago, on May 12, Cristian Soto Quiroz
Chilean historian Iván Jaksic (Punta Arenas, 1954), 2020 National History Prize winner, reflects on the causes of the social unrest that broke out in his country in October 2019 and the political solution with which he tried to channel the crisis: change of the Constitution.
At the time of the election this weekend, where 14.7 million citizens are summoned to the polls to elect the 155 writers of the new text, the academic is prudent: “Very high expectations have been generated regarding the change that could mean the Constitution, "he assures in this conversation by videoconference, in a city like Santiago de Chile that works halfway through the covid-19 pandemic.
Question.
What happened to Chile since the return to democracy in 1990?
Answer.
The transition was a great triumph for democratic values, but the situation was very delicate, with Augusto Pinochet still in command of the Army, with a suspicious and aggressive right wing supported by a skewed electoral system that gave him a majority in Congress and an authoritarian Constitution. with democratic enclaves.
Q.
Was progress “as far as possible”, as explained by President Patricio Aylwin (1990-1994)?
R. It
was difficult to move towards a deeper democratization, especially when the priorities were economic recovery and a human rights policy that required great care not to precipitate another military intervention.
This, in the long term, was increasingly seen by the new generations as a surrender, an excessive caution, a truncated democratization.
Q.
How do you explain the unrest that exploded in the riots in October 2019?
R.
Partly because of the conditions of the transition, but also partly because of global transformations where the values and institutions of democratic representation have been losing ground. There are also concrete situations, such as the rising cost of education, health, and housing that have led too many families into debt and younger generations skeptical about an effective meritocracy and its opportunities in the future. The political parties did not renew their people and their values; Institutions such as the Catholic Church (which was very prestigious at the beginning of the transition), business collusions, the dark relationship between business and politics, probity scandals in the Armed Forces, created a climate of abuse and corruption. The list is longbut the main feeling is that the institutions are no longer entirely trustworthy.
Q.
What are the demands of this complex society today?
R.
In addition to equality before the law, what prevails is the demand for the recognition of identities, whether individual or group.
And many are fair, but the institutionality and culture have not gone at the same pace or speed.
Very important things have been achieved in terms of the recognition of diversity, so much so that the constituent convention will be joint, but in other areas the reforms have failed to convince.
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Q.
What about the young?
Since the riots, a generational break has been in evidence ...
R.
Impatience has predominated, especially in the younger generations, who also live in a technological world almost unthinkable 30 years ago.
There are new situations, such as drug trafficking, which has wreaked havoc in populations with little infrastructure and police protection.
Also, and very important, is the perception of inequality even for those sectors that came out of poverty thanks to democratization and economic growth.
Q.
In the protests, the Chilean flags disappeared and others predominated, such as the Mapuche.
How do you explain it?
R.
It is a symbol and a reality. The native peoples, especially in Araucanía, have suffered the abandonment of the State and the abuse of some large national and transnational companies. The Mapuche people have a history of resistance and, for this reason, they have become a national symbol for people who feel discriminated against. Here is a pending task, which no government has been able to solve. It remains to be seen whether the representation that indigenous peoples have obtained in the constituent convention will be sufficient to redefine and strengthen ties with the State. The Chilean flags have not disappeared, but the symbolic charges have changed, as seen in the destruction of many monuments throughout the country, an otherwise quite global issue.
Iván Jaksic Andrade, at his home in Santiago, last Wednesday.Cristian Soto Quiroz
Q.
Is a new historical cycle starting in Chile with the constituent path?
R.
I have my doubts, because the democratic and participatory culture is also built from below, not only from a written document.
A stronger civil society is what is needed, and for this there is a constitutional path, it is true, but it is also necessary to strengthen citizen organizations and greater transparency and responsibility on the part of representative institutions.
What seems to me to be very important is the consensual agreement on parity.
That is very likely to generate new looks at old problems.
Q.
What issues that matter to the people will persist, in your opinion, even with the writing of a new Constitution?
R.
The perception and feeling of inequality will persist in Chile, even with a new Constitution.
Even if wages were improved and purchasing power increased, there will always remain the fact that others, without deserving it, do better.
Access to greater and better opportunities will not change without strong State intervention, and for that political consensus is required.
Q.
Wasn't the Constitution the problem, then?
R.
It is part of the problem, due to its lack of legitimacy.
But there are other problems, such as the electoral system that leads to party fragmentation, inequality, and the millions of people living in precarious conditions.
Also a culture in which classism persists and generates resentment and violence.
Q.
How would you describe the multiple crisis facing Chile?
A.
Like a tangled ball, full of thorns, which must be carefully untangled to spin a new, warmer and more resistant fabric.
Q.
What would be the way out today, if the Constitution alone will not extinguish the conflict?
R.
Keep looking for solutions through political agreements.
With parties so small that they are fired anywhere, it is very important to generate consensus around democratic coexistence.
There are still sectors that do not reject violence and, others, that continue to protect their ill-earned privileges.
Q.
Do you see a country today shattered?
A.
More than shredded, I find him clumsily trying to get out of a straitjacket.
The best thing would be to breathe deeply, know every twist of the fabric and look for the exit without forcing it.
Can be done.
Solutions were found at equally difficult times in the past.
Q.
What are Chile's pending tasks?
R.
Strengthen democracy, improve coexistence, respect differences, return to certain republican values and institutions, punish corruption and collusion more harshly, seek human and citizen meeting points.
In short, integrate.
And this includes integrating our regions through greater local decision-making power.
P.
Is there the danger of the disappearance of some institutions, questioned?
R.
I do not see it, although some such as the Constitutional Court or the presidential system are highly questioned.
This is a country that early conquered an institutional space and prospered with them.
Rather they require reforms.
Q.
What do you expect for this weekend?
Is there a risk that there will be no peaceful participation?
R.
I think it will be electorally peaceful, but there may be exceptions.
Recently a flourishing community activity was suspended: entire families enjoyed every weekend the closing of the avenues to vehicular traffic to walk or play sports.
A group of cyclists, a kind of pack, began to attack people and steal the signage.
The motives?
A true mystery.
Something like this can happen this weekend.
I hope not…
Q.
What Chile will the new generations receive?
R.
In a context of both centripetal and centrifugal forces, there is only hope of a more integrated, more tolerant Chile, with some strongly shared values of coexistence and solidarity and institutions that express them.
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