David brooks
07/20/2021 11:37 AM
Clarín.com
The New York Times International Weekly
Updated 07/20/2021 11:37 AM
For most of the past century, human dignity had an ally: the United States of America.
We are a flawed and error-prone nation like any other, but the United States helped defeat
fascism
and
communism
and helped lay the foundations for
European peace
, Asian prosperity, and the spread of democracy.
Then came
Iraq
and
Afghanistan
, and the
United States
lost faith in itself and its global role, like a pitcher who takes a beating and no longer trusts what he can do.
An 18-year-old Afghan laborer dresses as a man to support her family, working in a brick factory.
AFP Photo / Noorullah Shirzada.
On the left, many now reject the idea that the United States can be, that is, a
global defender of democracy
and consider phrases like "the indispensable nation" or "the last hope of the Earth" to be
ridiculous
.
On the right, the caucus building the
wall
has given up on the idea that the rest of the world is worth it.
Many in the world have always resisted America's
self-proclaimed role
as a defender of democracy.
But they have also been rightly appalled when the United States stands
idly by
and allows
genocide to
take over places like
Rwanda
or dangerous regimes to threaten world order.
Afghans are the last witnesses to this reality.
America's mistakes in
Afghanistan
have been well documented.
We have spent
billions of dollars
and we have lost thousands of people.
But the two-decade strategy of confronting terrorists, in Afghanistan and elsewhere, has meant that global terrorism is no longer seen as a major concern in everyday American life.
In recent years, a small force of American soldiers helped prevent some of the worst people on Earth from taking over a nation of more than 38 million people, with relatively few American casualties.
In 1999, Afghan girls were not attending secondary school.
In four years, six percent had signed up, and by 2017 the number had risen to nearly
40 percent.
Yet the United States, disillusioned with itself, is pulling out.
And it is quite possible that this withdrawal will produce a strategic setback and a
humanitarian disaster.
The Taliban are taking over the territory quickly.
It may not be long before Afghan girls are shot in the head for trying to go to school.
Intelligence agencies see the weaponry of ethnic paramilitary groups and are concerned about an
even more violent civil war.
They are also concerned that there will be a flood of
refugees
and that terrorist groups will once again operate freely.
History did not stop because the United States lost its confidence in itself.
As President Joe Biden rightly points out, the world is locked in a vast contest between democracy and different types of
autocracy
.
It is not just a struggle between political systems;
it is an
economic, cultural, intellectual and political contest
at the same time, a struggle between the forces of progressive modernity and reaction.
Over the past decades, the United States and its allies have betrayed our values and
yielded
to tyrants countless times.
Yet deep down, the liberal powers radiate a set of vital ideals: not just democracy and capitalism, but also feminism, multiculturalism, human rights, egalitarianism, LGBTQ rights, and the dream of racial justice. .
All of these things are woven into a progressive package where
individual dignity
prevails
.
If the 21st century has taught us anything, it is that many people, both abroad and at home, do not like that package and feel that their existence is threatened by it.
China's leaders are not just autocrats, they believe they run a state of civilization and are ready to
slaughter ethnic minorities.
Vladimir Putin is not just a ruffian, he is a
cultural reactionary
.
The Taliban defend a fantastic version of the
Middle Ages
.
These people are not leading 20th century liberation movements against colonialism and "American hegemony."
They are leading a
21st century
Kulturkampf
against women's rights, gay rights, minority rights, individual dignity - the whole progressive package.
We know that it is a culture war and not a traditional rivalry between great powers because the threat to each nation is more internal than external.
The greatest threat to the United States is that
national autocrats,
inspired by a global authoritarian movement, will regain control of the American government.
The biggest threat to China is that national liberals, inspired by global liberal ideals, threaten the regime.
Thus, each civilization tries to attract believers to its own vision.
How we present ourselves
to the world
matters greatly
.
We will never go back to the
Bush doctrine.
But we may not fare well in the battle for hearts and minds if we find ourselves abandoning our allies in places like Afghanistan.
We may not do well if our own behavior begins to resemble the
realpolitik
of the autocrats.
And we may not do well either if we can't look in the mirror without feeling a stab of
shame.
I think what puzzles me the most is the behavior of the American left.
I understand why
Donald Trump
and other American autocrats are
ambivalent
about America's role in the world.
They were always suspicious of the progressive package that the United States has helped promote.
But every day I see progressives defending women's rights, LGBTQ rights, and racial justice at home and yet defending a foreign policy that cedes power to the Taliban,
Hamas,
and other reactionary forces abroad.
If we are going to fight Trump's authoritarianism at home, we have to fight the more poisonous variants of authoritarianism that thrive around the world.
That means staying on the battlefield.
c.2021 The New York Times Company
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