The Limited Times

Now you can see non-English news...

Cristina Kirchner commands in Buenos Aires, the plenary session of Mario Negri and punishment for Sergio Massa

2021-07-25T22:26:56.288Z


The vice promotes candidates in CABA and Province. The JxC chief of deputies risks everything to go to the Senate.


Ignacio Zuleta

07/25/2021 19:09

  • Clarín.com

  • Politics

Updated 07/25/2021 19:09

Communities without a boss: no one recognizes anyone's leadership

A closure like this one offers two views: it is an inventory and also a parade of weapons. The coalitions

have seized unity

, the most important asset for an election that will be more between acronyms than between candidates. The horizontality of the ruling party and the opposition emerges starkly: Peronism is a league of governors that operates according to the sum of their interests, or that of the district chiefs. It is a virtuous fragmentation of space, which does not risk recognizing the national leadership to anyone.

The Peronism of the interior - the most important one - accommodates itself to the fact that

power is managed from the metropolitan area

, whether it be with Macri-Frigerio or the Fernández and Massa.

Its limits are liquidity and prestige: as long as there is money and re-election, all is well.

That is why they won with the Kirchners, with Macri, and with Alberto.

They have more money than before and ensure their re-election.

What more can you ask for from life?

In opposition, the nature, function, and profitability of "collective leadership" are put to the test with even more risks.

They are the minority

- we must not forget it, especially those who ask the opposition for majority behavior - and their mouths are filled with the syrup that collective leadership is a virtue.

In reality, it is a necessity, and it has its consequences:

the main one is that Together for Change will have PASO in the four most important districts

-Buenos Aires, Córdoba, Santa Fe and CABA-.

Only in this one does the government exercise and even so it could not avoid the confrontation.

The absence of strong leadership led to the UCR and PRO in Córdoba also having to go into a risky STEP, with the strip

Luis Juez and Rodrigo de Loredo

, today two outsiders from any political formation.


Christian truisms: rule where you can


In Peronism, each governor protects his candidates without consulting the others. A stereotype, which abounds today in the explanatory offer,

overvalues ​​the role of Cristina de Kirchner

and her operators in the assembly of the lists. It is obvious that he does it in Buenos Aires and Capital, where he integrates the leadership of the government with Massa and Alberto. In the rest of the country, the stick is in the hands of district governors and chiefs. And

any interference K has been conditioned to disputes in the STEP.

Santa Fe is an example, where candidates friends of Cristina must explain what they wanted to do with Vicentin, with the closure of the export of meat, or with the reduction of the cut on biofuel.

Not even the squires closest to the vice president acted with factional directives

, such as those attributed to them by those who believe that "camporismo" exists.

The differentiation between Peronism and Kirchnerism is an expression of desire, like the one that was once supposed between Peronism and Menemism.

They are the same

.

The Peronists cultivate this differentiation to take advantage of the electoral offer market

. It also serves the opposition. They are inspired by the illusion that Peronism is divided by ideological dissidents - Peronism of the right against Christianity-Kirchnerism-Camperism of the left.

Mirages in force in the cable coverage area, not in the wide and alien world of La Realidad - Subcomandante Marcos, who was not even a commander, would say.

Reality unites or separates them according to their opportunity to retain or capture power

. Nothing more. In Mendoza, to give an example, not even Senator

Anabel Fernández Sagasti

acted as a "camper" in assembling lists with the usual Peronist tribes, that is, the widows of Chueco Mazzón. They all go to the fight with their own method.

Alberto Fernández

was in the Chaco on Tuesday with

Jorge Capitanich

, the most Christian of the governors.

Did you talk about Chaco candidacies?

Not a word

.

In provinces that elect few deputies it is chimerical that the Peronism of Buenos Aires - the one that Cristina administers without discussion - asks a governor who can barely fight for two or three seats for a place.


Negri plays a full game, risks like few others


It is the scene of the juiciest confrontation in the opposition.

Mario Negri

, head of the inter-bloc in Diputados, won the support of the national leadership of the force, after Macri's upset when he endorsed the

Judge's

alliance

with

Gustavo Santos's

PRO

. The maximum point of tension was reached on Saturday: Negri threatened to withdraw from the electoral fight and continue as a deputy. An

emergency zoom session

between

Macri, Horacio Rodríguez Larreta and Patricia Bullrich

redirected Negri's candidacy for senator.

"You have to unify and Negri is the person you have to take care of the most," agreed that table. Macri would say uninformed from that province.

"They told me that Negri was not going to be a candidate and they made me screw up,"

he was heard. A plenary session of the local UCR asked Negri to be a candidate and for Loredo to join the list, but he rejected the slogan. At night Negri wrote down his candidacy for national senator.

It is played, like few others, in

a plenary session to all or nothing

. If he wins, he will be a senator and will integrate a Senate renewed in strength, which will be joined by

Alfredo Cornejo

, president of the UCR. If he loses, he remains a deputy, but it will be difficult for him to retain the hegemonic place in the interblock, in a chamber that will be joined by giants and big heads such as

Diego Santilli, María Eugenia Vidal, Julio Cobos or Facundo Manes

. If that role had been assured, he might decide not to fight for the Senate. But it did not happen. A strong bet, because in this cycle of recovered radicalism, it was possible that the party bloc would support Negri to remain in charge of the interblock for the next two years.

In this containment effort,

Elisa Carrió

intervened, along with the PRO table,

with a new role in this closing.

She gained power without being a candidate

.

He celebrated the generational change and unity.

He gathered a few of them Friday at a City Bell farm for a family reunion with some cousins.

In that long after-dinner, which followed the presentation of the candidates on Santilli's list, a generation of new deputies, but with experience, pondered.

"In the first two years as a deputy, you learn. And it costs a lot. In the two seconds, you can already be a deputy seriously," he

commented to point out the leading role in the lists of

Juan Manuel López, Fernando Sánchez or Marcela Campagnoli

.


Lone wolves with notion of status: a rarity


It is an irony that Negri plays so much in these elections, the novelty of which is that radicalism has regained the centrality that it had lost in 2001. He

is the virtual leader of the opposition

: he has had six years of leading role in negotiations and debates. Whoever wants to speak to the opposition, the first contact to call is Negri. Time will tell if it was a success or an adventure.

Negri joins special conditions: the fate of the "successful dinosaur" runs to him, in a Jurassic park where seniority is a sign of failure.

He adds unspeakable convictions: he

believes that Macri overacts the role of "owner" of the vote in Córdoba and that he always has a surreptitious game with Schiaretti

.

And a personal condition, which analysts who like Freudian plots will better explain: he is a lone wolf, of the same race as

Miguel Pichetto

, and with the same notion of the State.

An infrequent mix as necessary.

They play the collective destiny from insurmountable individualities and sometimes enigmatic in its deepest purposes.


The family punishes massista mischief


Being tempted by the Senate is interesting from this angle: the standard analysis affirms that what is at stake in this election is the relationship of forces in the Chamber of Deputies.

There Peronism is the first minority and does not have its own quorum

. He would achieve it if he wins a dozen seats, which can be provided by Buenos Aires and CABA, where JxC risks the seats achieved in 2017 in two lists that today are unified. This perception is shared by the Government, which sank a silent dagger on the power of

Sergio Massa

, to condition - for its own benefit - the number of the ruling party.

The Tigre statesman had created a peronoid bloc led by

José Luis Ramón from

Mendoza

.

With five deputies, this moving legislator (bearer of the entrepreneurial ingenuity of Mendoza, an ethnic group in which "there are no jerks," according to Rafael Pascual) was

one of the necessary pieces of gear

to have a quorum - along with deputies from Misiones, Córdoba, Santiago del Estero- and the approval for laws with more than 129 votes.

The presidential leadership punished Massa's tactic, which has led to,

according to the calculation of the complainant Oscar Parrilli

, more than 30 bills approved by the Senate that have not advanced in Congress.

That is why at the end of Saturday

one of those punished is Massa

.

Ramón had tried to reconcile himself with Sagasti's Peronism, but

they left him out of the list to renew the bank.

He will be a provincial legislator

.

Massa pays, because the tactic of having a hinge block has stained the performance of the president of the chamber, and also that of the head of the block,

Maxi Kirchner

, his mother's delegate.


The fight in the Senate, as important as in Deputies


Nobody predicts that the relationship of forces in the Deputies will change and that is why

that of the Senate has renewed interest

.

Perhaps it is more important to prevent Peronism from reaching 2/3 of the votes in the upper house, which it needs for structural projects,

including a reform of the Constitution

.

Cristina claims it since she was campaigning before 2019 as a necessity of the system to take power away from the "factual powers" -press, business world, political parties-.

Or for a reform of the integration of the Supreme Court of Justice

. This consideration is supported if the process of the last decade is analyzed.

The

fate of Peronism was linked to two factors

: 1) the dissidence that emerged in 2009 and that crystallized in the defeat of 2013, the prelude to his departure from power.

That dissent had a name, Massa, but it had replicas throughout the country.

2) The uprising of the 28 senators who in November 2012 signed a commitment to subtract the votes necessary for a constitutional reform with re-election, which was attributed to the government at that time.

That clamp is the one that evicted Peronism from power in 2015. Today,

securing opposition votes in the Senate is again decisive for the opposition

, such as preventing the ruling party from increasing the seats in Deputies.


An arbitration table is missing as in 2015

The absence of a national leadership not only caused the JxC to go to the PASO with central prominence in the four large districts.

It also prevented the opposition from increasing some senators in other regions

. All are looking towards Chubut, where the opposition is going on several lists for senator, as it cannot be unified in a single list, with

Gustavo Menna

at the head. He is one of the most important legislators in his sector, vice president of Constitutional Affairs, and has preferred to seek reelection as a national deputy, given the dispersion of his force in various lists for the upper house.

The horizontality of driving puts at risk that assumption that the market –the PASO– can compensate for the inequities in the system. In politics, authority and leadership is a condition, even if it is shared. In Cambiemos 2015 he gave an example: there was a transgenic coalition of parties, but there was a permanent consultation between

Macri, Ernesto Sanz, Carrió and Emilio Monzó

to impose tactical courses.

That is the table that the opposition has to rebuild to regulate the campaign for the September primaries

.

The tone of the internal dispute will decide whether the force preserves the historical votes of Non-Peronism or drives them away.

Until now it has preserved unity, just as Peronism has sought to cut differences.

He exercises a government that has been in office for two years and does not start any agenda for solutions

that it will not be able to give either if the force in Congress does not improve.


Senator in the future, with judicial destination

The fragility of the leadership and the uncertainty explains these future leaks that are the candidacies.

Two provinces without reelection have listed their current governors as future senators

.

Rodolfo Suarez

goes as substitute for

Alfredo Cornejo

in Mendoza, and

Omar Perotti

for

Marcelo Lewandowski

in Santa Fe. Cornejo seizes his project of being a candidate for governor in 2023 and commits him to Suarez in the campaign.

His opponents will reproach him because the Mendoza Constitution not only prohibits reelection, but also adds the veto for a governor to become a senator within a year after leaving office.

It is a clause that fully governs when senators were appointed by the provincial legislatures.

Now that they come for the direct vote, that inhibition seems an anachrony

.

But justice has to say it.

It will not be the only judicial offense in Mendoza, because Sagasti's Peronism assembled its lists with a rosary of collectors of applicants for local offices.

It challenges a decree that Macri signed in 2019

that prohibited this procedure because, the rule said, "it generates confusion in the electorate and inequity among competitors."

That decree (the 258/2019) is questioned in the Justice by the Peronism that demands, in any case, that a law of the Congress says it. The Mendoza electoral judge who must understand this bid,

Walter Bento, is being investigated for alleged crimes

. The Council of the Magistracy can only suspend him if he is prosecuted in that case, something that will not happen until October, at least. A classic: the luck of the official match in the hands of a lazy judge of papers.

Source: clarin

All news articles on 2021-07-25

You may like

Trends 24h

News/Politics 2024-03-27T16:45:54.081Z

Latest

© Communities 2019 - Privacy

The information on this site is from external sources that are not under our control.
The inclusion of any links does not necessarily imply a recommendation or endorse the views expressed within them.