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La Cámpora eats Peronism

2021-08-01T01:58:54.254Z


Organization K, without competing with the mayors, penetrated all the lists in Buenos Aires. The alleged FdT unit left many injured.


07/31/2021 22:00

  • Clarín.com

  • Opinion

Updated 07/31/2021 10:00 PM

The Frente de Todos y Juntos por el Cambio, the coalitions that structure the Argentine political system, have prepared the menu that they like the most: that of electoral competition.

That skill often evaporates when it comes to ruling

.

The memory of the four years of Mauricio Macri appears.

There is the current midterm of Alberto and Cristina Fernández.

The contrasting photographs left by both conglomerates when presenting their candidates for the legislative elections

were misleading

. The President boasted of the value of unity avoiding PASO in the midst of the tragic pandemic.

There is no such thing

. To the point that the differences for some nominations derive in a

shake of the Cabinet

.

Together for Change he boasted about the democratic value of civilized inmates in the face of a society torn by crisis and despair.

Too early, tensions emerged between the PRO and radicalism

. It happens that Macri's formation that fight causes him dizziness. You seem to be more comfortable with vertical organization. The UCR could mistake the PASO contest, a path for the November battle, with the ultimate goal.

Alberto assumed that the closing of the lists would mean a time of truce for the Cabinet, beset by Kirchnerist ambition. He had that feeling when he

managed to retain Santiago Cafiero

as Chief of Staff. But his unexpected behavior of not wanting functionaries-candidates opened several fronts for him in the Ministry of Defense, in Social Development and, on the rebound, in Security.

The first problem was the rebellion of Agustín Rossi

. Unmistakable Kirchnerista. Despite pressure from Alberto and Cristina, he resolved to maintain his candidacy for Senator for Santa Fe in alliance with Lieutenant Governor

Alejandra Rodenas.

On the other side were the journalist Marcelo Lewandowski and María de los Angeles Sacnun, Cristina's ward. With a surprising addition: Omar Perotti, the governor, signed up as a candidate for alternate senator. I return to the testimonials (to apply so as not to assume) that Néstor Kirchner invented in his time.

In the Santa Fe morphology there are several oddities.

Perotti emerged as Alberto's ally and distant from Kirchnerism.

He had the illusion of belonging to the league of governors of the PJ that the President, in campaign, had promised as the mainstay of his government. That intention fell to sudden death. The governor now took shelter with the presidential duo. To preserve in the future, perhaps, a provincial management that exhibits difficulties of all kinds.

Rossi sided with Rodenas, from the start a stone in the governor's shoe.

Especially after a scandal that runs its course.

The accusation to the PJ senator Armando Traferri of protecting a network of illegal gambling and corruption in Santa Fe.

In August he must appear before the judge.

The legislator is close to the lieutenant governor.

How would that crossing be explained?

Simple:

the vice president is more interested in having Sacnun than in Rossi.

Cafiero had said that it was going to be considered whether the ministers who were running should leave their positions.

Alberto dismissed it after a Kirchner move in Buenos Aires: Nicolás Kreplak took over this week as Axel Kicillof's Minister of Health because Daniel Gollan, its head, will be a candidate for deputy in Buenos Aires behind Victoria Tolosa Paz.

Alberto was left without margin to speculate with the variants in the Cabinet. Rossi's farewell to Defense triggered a mini intern. Why does the former minister want to change an executive position for a bank?

He concluded that in that portfolio he would bury his political destiny.

Argentina has lacked a defense policy for decades.

The Armed Forces are almost a set.

The last precedent is valid: Oscar Aguad, a former minister of macrismo, was left as the only inheritance of his passing a trial for the sinking of the submarine ARA San Juan.

The dilemma for the President would not be to get Rossi's replacement. It so happens that Kirchnerism would have begun to pressure for

Sabina Frederic to be displaced

to that portfolio. They sweeten it with their previous experience when in Defense the headline was Nilda Garré. The real intention would be different: to leave the Ministry of Security vacant and fill it with an official of his trust. In tune with Sergio Berni. The strong man in that matter in Buenos Aires disqualifies Frederic.

Such pressure led Alberto to quickly resolve the gap in Social Development. From there Daniel Arroyo left,

fed up with managing an unmanageable structure

. He barely managed to be ranked twelfth on the list of candidates in Buenos Aires. Symptom of the null consideration that Kirchnerism gives him. Andres Larroque, minister in Buenos Aires, immediately appeared to fill the void.

The new minister will be Juan Zabaleta, mayor of Hurlingham.

Man who holds up the imaginary albertist.

He was one of the two who threatened to raise internal in his district to La Cámpora.

He gave up on the new offer that the campers supported with striking generosity.

Why?

His place of mayor will be filled by the head of the Deliberative Council.

It's about Damien Selci.

Political scientist and writer.

Of the hard K.

Admirer of Ernesto Laclau

, defender of populism, promoter of organized militancy as the only tool to curb the threat of neoliberalism.

Summarize everything in two words: the exercise of Popular Freedom.

The case of Selci is a sample button on how La Cámpora's patience is penetrating Buenos Aires Peronism and trying to turn the preminence of the old barons into history.

The organization thinks about each case

. Let's see another. Mariano Cascallares, Mayor of Almirante Brown, bid to lead the list of provincial deputies in Buenos Aires. He is close to Alberto and a friend of Daniel Scioli. He achieved his objective in favor of a benefit for La Cámpora. The Minister of the Interior, Eduardo De Pedro, placed his right hand as the first councilor in that district. It is about

José Lepere

, who until now served as Secretary of the Interior. From there the relationship with the governors and mayors is managed.

Of the 35 districts that the Frente de Todos administers in the suburbs, only one could not be permeated by La Cámpora in the payrolls for deputies, senators and provincial councilors. In Esteban Echeverría, Mayor Fernando Gray placed his names. The

camping stopped competing

. Gray is the president of the PJ in Buenos Aires and fought the anticipated inauguration of Máximo Kirchner in the party.

La Cámpora's penetration strategy is sophisticated. He arranges with the majority of the mayors on the condition that at each renewal of councilors two men of his own are placed in third and sixth place. They usually renew seven by election in the ruling party. Over time they

aspire to dominate the majority in the Councils

, regardless of who is communal chief. In the interior of Buenos Aires, this maneuver is made complex by the unpopularity that surrounds the campers. Still, they achieve placements through a seductive ruse: they offer as applicants delegates from PAMI (led by Luana Volnovich) and ANSeS (Fernanda Raverta). In other words, the possibility of accessing funds that, due to the enormous general crisis, are scarce in all municipalities.

La Campora, despite this territorial expansion, still has a great limitation. The absence of box office leaders, with national projection.

The undisputed figure is Máximo

, who from his office in Congress took care of the meticulous design of the lists in Buenos Aires. The idea of ​​a sensible leader is intended to be built around his figure. But its greatest flow (and limit, at the same time) seems to be the bearing of the surname. The great puzzle lies in knowing what will happen when it must expose itself to the public scrutiny that any competition for a higher power demands.

Mauricio Macri called alarmed from the outside before the first flashes in Juntos por el Cambio that had Facundo Manes, Diego Santilli, Cristian Ritondo, Elisa Carrió and Gerardo Morales as actors. That fear had expressed to Horacio Rodríguez Larreta, when the head of the City began assembling his inheritance in the City, with the arrival of María Eugenia Vidal, and the landing in Buenos Aires, with Santilli. The engineer sought information and tranquility outside of his troops: he

spoke with the radical Ernesto Sanz

, one of the founders, along with him and Carrió, of the opposition coalition that in 2015 dethroned Kirchnerism.

The former president would have liked an agreement, at least in the main districts.

To Rodríguez Larreta too.

But in Juntos por el Cambio, unlike the Frente de Todos, two things happen: it

does not have an exclusive leadership like Cristina's;

it is also in opposition

.

The State and power are usually the computers of politics.

Thus and the entire FdT will also have PASO in six provinces.

Experience shows that Rodríguez Larreta is still far from becoming Macri's heir.

Therefore, to be a candidate for 2023. In any case, there does not seem to be a more suitable way to achieve that goal than to submit to the STEP.

The challenge is to manage them without turning politics into a tenement.

In this way the system has molded an opposition.

The PJ and Kirchnerism have other resources to remain.

Both coalitions, according to the radical Sanz, gave balance and alternation to democracy.

Necessary but very insufficient virtues.

This is demonstrated by the unresolved problems in decades, which made the life of society even worse.

Copyright Clarin 2021

Look also

Fight in the Front of All because they went down to almost all the lists that competed against mayors: "It looks like a Soviet party"

An emergency meeting of Together for Change is called after the announcement by Elisa Carrió about her complaint to Facundo Manes

Source: clarin

All news articles on 2021-08-01

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