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Wanted political leader, prosecutors for Facundo Manes and risk of scandal in Mendoza

2021-08-01T23:02:24.431Z


Leadership is discussed at the two poles of the rift. Fear of fraud in the Province and a questioned judge in Cuyo.


Ignacio Zuleta

08/01/2021 19:13

  • Clarín.com

  • Politics

Updated 08/01/2021 7:13 PM

In the end, the PASO will do something

In the end, the PASO that were useless, will be used for something.

They end with two decades of unicatos in the party offer to the punished staff, who are overwhelmed by the chained misfortunes of Argentina.

Without strong leadership in either of the two great party families

, the turn of the single list primaries is over, because there could not have been previous agreements.

The novelty puts the country in another

experimental cycle

. For the first time, the electoral headquarters of the ruling Peronism is not in the Government House. It is a sum of provincial franchises and, at the top of the dome, it is divided between the Rosada and the Congress.

In the last 20 years,

whoever occupied the Rosada distributed candidacies

. It has been like this since

Duhalde

president in 2002, when Macri, Reutemann, Puerta, De la Sota passed through that casting and the ring was left by

Kirchner

. Of those muds, these powders. Alberto could not prevent the team from exploding with the departure of

Rossi

, a Christian rebel against any authority, who splashes what

Cristina

has

of power - a minority in national Peronism and a majority negotiated in Buenos Aires.

The final closure in this district, when the pre-candidacies that were presented in the parties have been validated, will show that

Cristina is once again in the hands of an alliance with Pejotism

, which she despises in her speeches.

It is not life, always depending on Massa, Alberto, before Scioli.

How does the world change, then?

He repeats the weakness of 2015

, when he could not convince

Florencio Randazzo

of a slamming door that led to Peronism's defeat.

He fired the intern between Julián and Aníbal in Buenos Aires, and that lethal anger - like all those that are fought between brothers - dragged Peronism to defeat.


Argentines, to the adventure as in 2007


These events open a chapter that is not new, that of the

political experiment

. The most audacious occurred in 2007, when the country handed over the

three most important positions to three newcomers

:

Cristina de Kirchner

to the presidency,

Daniel Scioli

to the province of Buenos Aires,

Mauricio Macri

to the city of Buenos Aires. None of the three had experience in executive positions. They forged the country we have. All three were reelected in their positions.

The system they coined is under review.

Everything is discussed and without sponsorship

. The opposition tests the limits of

affectio societatis

between the partners of Cambiemos and tests the ability of these PASO to also define leaderships. Like the government, the opposition knows that in the leadership struggles it will not lose a single vote. Win or lose any of the tribes, all the votes of the Non-Peronism vote family will go behind the official candidate.

What is going to resolve is the

arbitration between the partisan chiefs

. The Government is enraptured because it dreams that the opposition coalition will fracture. Its formal and informal spokespersons overexpose the internal differences in the statements of

Carrió, Larreta, Manes, Gerardo

, because they highlight the aesthetics of their greatest strategic option: the competitiveness of Peronism, if it remains united - at any cost and even if it reviews risks and liquefies leadership - is assured if the opposition is divided.

These are the conditions to prevent Non-Peronism from approaching its objective, which is to

build the ballot party

. That format made him win in 2015, taking advantage of the fact that Peronism was divided. This time, the divided opposition is the best terrain for an effective election of Peronism. It is what restores bipartisanship in Argentina.

The moment of greatest fragility of Peronism occurred in the '90s.

Curious, because it is the decade that that party claims to be the most successful

.

It was the decade of the decline of bipartisanship, due to the appearance of FrePaSo.

It made him lose the legislative elections in Buenos Aires in 1997 and the general elections in 1999. Peronism needs Cambiemos to explode to nail the bipartisanship, which prevents the opposition from rearming the ballot party in 2023. Peronism does not usually make alliances: it adds stamps always on the axis of the PJ.


Face to face, without leadership

Horacio Rodríguez Larreta

tries to mount a presidential candidacy with the members of Cambiemos on the magma of these

primary elections in 17 districts

.

The opposition succeeded in preventing Peronism from canceling the PASO, which was the original project that it had worked on from the first day of Alberto's presidency.

The culture of the unicato of Peronism has mitigated the fights in the districts, even in Buenos Aires, where the unique list repeats.

In the opposition he unleashed a swarm of clashes, which

reveals optimism about his ability to compete

in the elections.

Just as there is no Peronist electoral command in the Government House, neither can Larreta still impose a national leadership of his force.

Macri no longer governs as a reference

, nor has the mechanism that Marcos Peña set up, which mixed Macri's leadership with electoral strategy and communication apparatus, been replaced in the opposition.

In these hours, the

whatsapp

of the party leaders -

Alfredo Cornejo, Patricia Bullrich, Maxi Ferraro

-

boils

about the convenience of bringing the national table together this Monday.

Cornejo claims it to advance squares in the Manes-Carrió fight.

Take advantage of the silence of the neurologist and the

florid absence of Martín Lousteau

.

The Coalition, on the other hand, believes that an appointment from the national table will enlarge a plot of exclusively media interest, which brings discredit to Cambiemos and that, as everyone knows, does not make him win or lose a single vote.


The basics are back: Peronists vs.

radicals

In a match that you think you are going to lose, people fight to get out.

In Cambiemos -or whatever it is called- there is a

triumphalist air and the game of chairs mobilizes everyone

.

In these hours, the verbal fight between Carrió and Manes conceals further landslides.

The PASO de Cambiemos in Buenos Aires, the main stage, will decide if Larreta is the leader of the force, and if Manes remains to continue expressing youthful wishes, "I want to be president," he repeats, like everyone else.

It needs to show what, why and why it says it.

Manes has activated in the district a sociological radicalism that is organized around old passions and the chance offered by his candidacy.

The testimony is given by those in charge of recruiting prosecutors for the STEP of September 12

. The radicals, even those who have played with the PRO before, sign up to integrate the necessary number to control the primary against

Diego Santilli

, whom they point out - what a novelty - that he is a Peronist, smells of Peronism and moves as a Peronist.

The detour in search of prosecutors is also done in CABA, with interesting assumptions.

One of them is that the sociological radicalism of the district,

which is syndicated under the authority of Enrique Nosiglia

, works to guarantee the prosecutors in the PASO de Cambiemos ... to the list of Adolfo Rubinstein, Luis Brandoni, Facundo Suárez Lastra, etc. .

With that help, he is confident that they

will surpass that of Ricardo López Murphy

, who has the backing of the bullrichista wing of the PRO.


The battle for enforcement

In the province of Buenos Aires the competitors of the opposition PASO have to be able to control the vote in 36,000 tables - with the expansion for health reasons - in almost 7,000 establishments.

It implies that each force has to gather about 40,000 prosecutors

.

In Argentina, complaints of electoral fraud in general elections never prosper, because double control at the polls allows cross-monitoring of the count.

The shadow of fraud is projected in the internal ones

, in the bids between friends, partners, allies.

There governs the conservative maxim that justifies the mischief and that is expressed in this saying: "Prosecute me, because if I do not have the moral obligation to overturn the register."

Graciela Fernández Meijide repeats it in her autobiography, put into the mouth of the radical leader Rafael Pascual

.

He denies it as his own, not because he does not believe in that truth, but because it is something old that he just repeated.

In the PRO the need for prosecutors is great, because it has PASO in 17 districts.

Former

Minister

Guillermo Dietrich is in charge of organizing

- actually recreating - the volunteer system, which was one of the keys to the 2015 elections. He counts, as a necessity throughout the country,

some 250,000 who have to sit in PASO and generals

, who must be instructed and indoctrinated, because many are depoliticized youth.


Marriages under review

The designation of its partners as Peronists takes the debate back to familiar scenarios.

The most remembered, the radical convention of Gualeguaychú.

In 2015, the Macri-UCR Sanz wing ruled out an alliance with Sergio Massa

.

"We do not have to end up playing an intern of Peronism", was the motto of Macri, who won the arm wrestling in an election worthy of the radical tradition.

Two decades earlier, Chacho Álvarez -February 1996- said almost the same thing:

"FrePaSo does not have to end up playing in the internal of Peronism between Menem and Duhalde or Menem and Cavallo

.

"

It was when he fired José Bordón from that coalition because he had decided to support Gustavo Béliz in the candidacy for Buenos Aires chief against Norberto Laporta.

Old clothes, pouts of yesteryear. But this is what some leaders of the opposition coalition claim from their partners. How

much oppositional clarity is there in Lousteau

, who in the Senate presents projects that leverage pro-government movements, such as the appointment of the attorney general? ¿

What is the limit of shared interests between Gerardo Morales and Alberto Fernandez

, forced by its governance needs?

The most audacious look to the day after tomorrow - that is, the day after tomorrow.

They look at an

Emilio Monzó

, who negotiated in Bahía Blanca with Maxi Abad, so that the UCR would have the first position as provincial deputy for the Sixth Section (Lorenzo Natali, radical animator), with the same mischief with which he negotiated territories to Macri in 2015. Movedizo, is third on the Manes list.

Some wonder,

what can happen in a Congress in which Massa, Monzó and Randazzo can be present?

Are they going to repress opening a Peronist path that takes charge of the decline of Christianity?

How much can it cost for them not to do so, and to join in the end with the other Peronism, which pushes the Pichetto / Joaquín de la Torre wing from behind?


Charismatics to the Coast


Exotic lucubrations, but bordering on the obvious. And even more so when

the opposition advances towards a family fight, which has toxic consequences

. "They are eaten by outsiders," cried Martin Fierro hoarse. Those read have the character of "Little Women", Jo March, who reflects: "Life is too short to go around fighting with sisters." The irrational range of this type of relationship emerges in politics.

The prosecutors Manes needs are often recruited from depoliticized people, who respect him as a public figure for his books and media appearances.

That is why they walk it through districts where it is necessary to improve

.

This week he is going to Bahía Blanca (Friday), with a preview there by Maxi Abad.

Carrió, who also moves passions, will meet them on a visit to Mar del Plata, where he was in the week that Miguel Pichetto spent.


Mendoza judicializes the elections

The uniqueness of Mendoza adds morbidity to the electoral turn: it is the fifth province in number of votes, and elects deputies and senators.

Who will control the elections is Judge Walter Bento

, who has been prosecuted for alleged crimes, including the popular figure of the illicit association. This fragility puts Peronism in the pillory, which controls the Council of the Magistracy. That is, the political destiny of the magistrate.

Bento was invited to take leave to clear clouds over the elections. It was communicated informally by the National Electoral Chamber.

He answered vehemently that he will not do it

and that he will dedicate himself to his specific tasks. He did not pay attention to the arguments of the chambermaids: that beyond the complexity of the competition in the jurisdiction, the electoral act is unique, it is not just another file. Its effects have consequences over time, on which the transparency of the process depends. He remains in office until the Judicial Council suspends him.

The ruling body of the body has already defended it on previous occasions and if it does it again, it can splash Peronism, which will appear to manage who should monitor the process in Mendoza.

He would do a poor favor to the candidate Anabel Fernandez Sagasti

, Cristina's right-hand man in the Senate, who is going to a risky election against the

radical duo of Alfredo Cornejo and Rodolfo Suarez

(current governor, who signed up as a substitute).

It's one of those occasions when a powerful backing can turn into the opposite - a window of weakness - if Sagasti shows up moving support for that judge.

In the week that begins, the judicial year is resumed and the Council of the Magistracy will meet, where the president,

Alberto Lugones

,

is pointed out

as one of the supporters of Bento.

The instructor of the case in the Council is the macrista

Pablo Tonelli

, who in a few hours devoured the more than 800 pages of the ruling of the federal judge of San Rafael, who prosecuted Bento, and which is appealed before the Mendoza Chamber.

Source: clarin

All news articles on 2021-08-01

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