Benjamin Sire is a composer and journalist.
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Arié Alimi is a lawyer at the forefront of all "progressive" struggles, passed through the grace of the society of image and appearance, from ungrateful commercial real estate law to the denunciation of police violence and supposed systemic racism. of the institution of peacekeeping, even of the entire French state. Media member of the League of Human Rights, and
compulsive
tweeters
, he drives the nail of his credo every day, which we do not know if it aims to stir up the latent hatred of a (small) part of the population with regard to the police or to work in favor of justice.
While the "Beauvau de la sécurité" has just made its conclusions and led to a number of proposals announced this week by Emmanuel Macron at the Roubaix Police Academy, our white knight stood out again on September 15 last on the set of Karim Rissouli's show, “C ce soir”.
Never short of small twists with the truth, he began by assailing: “
There is systemic violence in the police, there is systemic racism in the police. This was also recognized by Emmanuel Macron in a video of Brut
"... However, in fact, although having said, rightly,"
today, when you have a skin color that is not not white, we are much more controlled ...
", the President of the Republic has rightly invalidated this idea of systemic racism, specifying:"
Yes there is police violence [...] We have a police force in the image of the society, in which there is racism, but the police as a whole, no.
[…]
There is no systemic racism in the police
.
"
Security is Maurrassien, the police institution is Pétainist.
In this little game, it is easy to understand why, for decades, the left has been reluctant to consider the issue of security, regardless if those who suffer most from its absence are above all the popular categories.
Benjamin Sire
Arié Alimi then wanted to pass the expression
"the first of freedoms is security",
used by the Head of State, as an eminently Maurrasian concept (and therefore Fachistoid), on the pretext that the founder of the Action Française used the expression, like others thereafter. This disqualification of a meaning or a concept, once passed to the
Kärcher
of Maurras' verve, is not new. We have already known the same debate with the use of the expressions "legal country" and "real country", effectively instilled by Maurras in political discourse, but which has become an antiphon for it, in a sense that no longer has much importance. relationship with that envisaged by its author. But this is another story.
Finally, resuming his fad, Arié Alimi has never ceased to assimilate any form of police violence to a systemic reality, considering that "
this does not mean that all police officers are violent
", but that the institution is is intrinsically, the proof being that the decree creating the modern police institution dates from 1941 and was signed by Marshal Pétain ...
Friends of confusion and shameful amalgamation, hello!
Security, it would be “Maurrassien”, and the Pétainist police institution.
In this little game, it is easy to understand why, for decades, the left has been reluctant to consider the issue of security, regardless of whether those who suffer most from its absence are above all the popular categories.
This is probably also why this same left decided to abandon these same categories which nevertheless constituted its basic electorate to turn to a substitute people based on an aggregate of scattered identities ... and often antagonistic, Moreover.
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Continuing his argument with small touches of impressionist associations, Arié Alimi, always inspired by the Pétainist decree, affirms that this heritage explains the slippages of an IGPN which would never apply sanctions and whose procedures, admittedly very long, but not more than those which affect the whole of the judicial institution, would hardly ever emerge. If indeed, the General Inspectorate of Services and its nearly 300 agents (including a hundred dedicated to investigations) often fish through corporatism and slowness, it nonetheless applies many sanctions and has seen its number of referrals increase. years. We could legitimately worry about the weakness of certain punishments, or even the recent drop in their number,but also the distribution of these according to the behavior observed, but the fact remains that, for example, in 2019 alone, nearly 1,680 police officers were convicted for various reasons.
Moreover, in this matter, Arié Alimi could have been satisfied with the announcements of the President of the Republic, one of which provides for the doubling of the IGPN by an independent authority, in addition to the prerogatives already granted on this subject. to the Defender of Rights. But no ! It would be a "Theodule committee", no matter what that no one knows exactly what will come of it, which moreover should not extinguish all fears. The concern here is that the quest of our media lawyer is never aimed at establishing better justice, but at the permanent weakening of the police institution for the benefit of its clients.
Denying any possible virtue to Emmanuel Macron's proposals, and without telling us much more about what a good security policy would be, he will continue to question the institution, ending up making us imagine, in the spirit of ACAB, that the police are a useless institution that should be disarmed, as suggested by his former client, Jean-Luc Mélenchon - which proves that we too can take questionable shortcuts.
In the current context of incessant and often violent demonstrations and paroxysmal division of society, if there is nevertheless a debate that should be conducted with respect for nuance and listening, it is the one that interests the question. security, which was the aim of the "Beauvau".
For all fans of studies exported by the American sociological left, everything that now looks like an oppression experienced by this or that minority or category asserting itself in the wake of the identity era that we are going through, is necessarily systemic.
Benjamin Sire
But while this debate will be one of the central points of the next presidential campaign, ideologies, often the most radical, see it as a formidable motive for exacerbating the antagonisms between the different components of the social body. Some, to the right, to pick up the electoral stake, others to the left of the left, like Arié Alimi, to continue their headlong rush in the desire to continue to break up a state that is already in tatters and to promote a society that is uniquely founded. on the rights of individuals who would be exempt from all duties ... Which is also quite ironic on the part of this left, since this idea is originally the quintessence of liberalism. But in the post-reality era, when all values are reversed,this aberration meets a form of logic which relies largely on the transformation of vocabulary, as Orwell accustomed us to it.
And in this little game, our friends of the American left,
woke
and other decolonials, like their hexagonal avatars are among the best at twisting the meaning of words and bending it to their exclusive service.
Among these terms, we find the famous “systemic” that our friend Alimi and the supporters of the podium leftism and the Louboutin revolution use at will.
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Coming from the Greek
systema
, the word designates what is part of an organized whole. So far so good. The shoe pinches when our dear "systemic" is automatically associated with other terms, going so far as to merge into them to offer them a new definition more restrictive than that always considered by the Academy. Thus, for all fans of studies exported by the American sociological left, everything that now looks like an oppression experienced by this or that minority or category asserting itself in the wake of the identity era we are going through, is necessarily systemic, thus produced by the organized groups represented by the States or the institutions which depend on them.
This is particularly true of racism.
Until now, this has been defined mainly as a "
set of theories and beliefs which establish a hierarchy between the races
" and, by extension, by an "
attitude of hostility which can go as far as violence, and of contempt for individuals belonging to a different race, to a different ethnic group generally perceived as inferior
”.
No
systemism
in the broadest aspect of this definition, although this is not exclusive. Thus racism can perfectly well be systemic, as history has unfortunately too often shown us, from the moment it establishes itself as a state doctrine. We obviously think, in the first place, of Nazi Germany and South Africa, which were the champions of this form of violent discrimination. But it is worth remembering that the United States, where the studies mentioned above come from, through their official practice of racial segregation, were also a blatant example of systemic racism, to such an extent that it has very difficult to fade, since its end in the mid-sixties, and still irrigates American society as the news repeatedly testifies. It doesMoreover, there is no coincidence in the fact that the definition of systemic racism owes much to the Pope of "
Black power
”Stokely Carmichael who theorized it to underline the persistence of the phenomenon in post-segregation America.
In this context, the racist insults that white people may suffer are considered to be mere discrimination, the same whites being also inherently racist.
Benjamin Sire
Ultimately
, racism, according to its true definition, can be both the fruit of individual behavior, as well as that of groups of individuals and institutions, and can be turned against members of all ethnicities or categories of beings. humans. Only here, for our activists and identity entrepreneurs of the left like Alimi, this is not the case and only systemic racism, both carried by the dominant groups and the institutions where they thrive, sees its existence validated. And it is here that the adjective “systemic” disappears, blending into the name it qualifies, since racism is necessarily systemic.
By this semantic sleight of hand, the racism suffered by the members of the categories considered as dominant disappears, which allows some to deny, for example, the existence of "anti-white racism".
In this context, the racist insults that whites may suffer are considered to be simple discrimination, these same whites being moreover intrinsically racist, consciously or not (since recourse to the unconscious is a definitive practice here), in the insofar as they are predominantly represented in places of power and institutions.
Systemic, we tell you!
And so it is that any police violence, or, to be more exact, any violence committed by police officers, representing an institution, a State, becomes systemic violence. However, this manipulation has, as we suggested above, the advantage for personalities like Arié Alimi of essentially discrediting all forms of police. And when the police are themselves black or of North African origin, they become “house niggers” or “sellers”, like the one who was attacked by Youtubeuse Nadjélika in a demonstration ... against police violence , in Paris, on June 2, 2020, or “Arabs on duty”, as policewoman Linda Kebbab was described on Twitter by the militant journalist, Taha Bouhafs, whose lawyer is none other than Arié Alimi ...
From there, since racism is necessarily systemic, the system and the police are themselves racist and cannot find their salvation. Hats off to the artist ...
