Hector Gambini
09/17/2021 12:09
Clarín.com
Politics
Updated 9/17/2021 12:09
Deputy Fernanda Vallejos set the networks on fire with her audio criticizing the President and laid bare, well exposed, the central issue of the war in the Government.
His
“private”
vision
of the events is none other than a sloppy draft of the
deep and true
vision
of hard Kirchnerism on the Argentine reality, anticipated by other leaders and officials in private - or in public, as Sergio Berni has been doing for more than a long time. of a year- and ratified just a short while later by the letter from Cristina Kirchner.
There, in the 20 paragraphs of the vice president,
the same background content that Vallejos had spread in a brutal way
is in a "presentable"
mode.
But a phrase from Vallejos briefly passed between the cascade of insults and disqualifications to the President and his officials in their 11-minute verbal incontinence:
“We cannot be in a government that decides not to respect the popular mandate because it is the capital that we build,
not Alberto Fernández marching with Nisman
”.
It has never been so publicly clear that the Nisman case remains
an unsolved Kirchner trauma.
What does Nisman have to do with this ruthless bill pass due to electoral defeat, almost 7 years after his death?
The deputy is wrong in preposition and says that the President marched
"with"
Nisman instead of saying that he did it
"for"
Nisman, which is the correct thing: Alberto Fernández went to the silence march called by the prosecutors to request that the then Nisman's confused death will be fully investigated.
It was on February 18, 2015, one month after the discovery of the body in the department of Puerto Madero and more than 200,000 people marched under a flood in what was called
"the march of the umbrellas
.
"
The "march of the umbrellas" demanding justice for Nisman, in 2015. / DyN
That march divided the waters en masse.
For the first time, those who believed that Nisman
had been killed
for his work
demonstrated
.
It was in opposition to the hypothesis that Cristina's government disseminated to the four winds: that Nisman
had committed suicide
because he had realized, just the day before going to Congress, that his complaint against the president and her officials for having made a Pact with Iran to give impunity to those who blew up the AMIA had no basis.
It was
a false story put together
to install in the public unconscious, completely devoid of content.
In the file, where it was determined that Nisman
was murdered
, no one ever said such a thing.
Not even the experts who made the
"psychological autopsy"
of the victim and who did not find the slightest hint of suicidal behavior in the previous hours.
Vallejos' failure in the preposition is more interesting: that Fernández marched
"with"
Nisman means that he acted politically like him.
On the same side of
"cons"
.
If Nisman denounced Cristina's government for the Pact with Iran, Fernández wrote it in
La Nación
, two days before that march in the rain:
“Cristina knows that she has lied and that the memorandum signed with Iran only sought to cover up the accused. There is nothing to prove… ””… Only a fool would say that the presidential cover-up to the Iranians is unproven. The accusation that is now being aired barely discovers how the Government is muddling in pursuit of that objective, using political fringes as its messengers to persecuted Iranians ”.
It is difficult to know exactly who Alberto included in his definition of
political marginals
at that time, but today, together with Cristina, Carlos Zannini and Juan Martín Mena,
K officials in his own government
who are not among those who you have just been resigned.
Pressuring the President by emptying his cabinet
does not mean shooting one's own feet
.
They, those who manage Cristina's judicial strategy, better stay, thinks the vice president.
Like Cristina, Zannini asked that the investigation for that cover-up of the Iranians
be
declared null and void, which
should already be in oral proceedings, with Cristina on the bench.
The same did Mena and the also accused Andrés “Cuervo” Larroque,
current Kicillof official in the Province.
Court 8 gave them an
unprecedented instance of political defense
before the trial - a situation not contemplated in Argentine law - and still did not answer if it is
going to absolve everyone before trying them
, a legal nonsense that would be filed in the darkest basements of Argentine judicial history.
One of the judges of that court is the one who kept Boudou, with a firm conviction for corruption,
away from jail
until the moment of parole.
While the investigation into the murder of Nisman continues - these days they are declaring spies who moved through Puerto Madero before they found the body of the prosecutor, and who then
reported the accused and current Vice Minister Mena
-, those accused by Nisman of acting Together to seek impunity with Iran for its suspects of blowing up the AMIA,
they continue to move the same now, almost 7 years later, in herd strategies under the directives of Cristina.
In addition to Zannini, Mena and Larroque, so do Parrilli and Luis D'Elía, who has just replicated that phrase of Louis XIV and the absolutism of the French monarchy with the modesty of his Creole version:
“Kirchnerism is me”.
L'kirchnerismo c'est moi
, it would be.
He also retains his role as
the unconditional soldier of Cristina
Sergio Berni.
The official who most and best publicly anticipated the merciless criticisms of Kirchnerism to the President is the same one who was, with muddy boots, in the Nisman department dead that morning when
the crime scene was released.
There, everything was left to the uncontrolled free will of fifty individuals who bungled the trails like a herd of buffalo.