While the world is still wondering whether Iran will agree to return to the negotiating table and sign a new nuclear agreement, and while we are debating whether such an agreement serves the Israeli interest or whether it is a bad agreement - Iran has already become a nuclear powerhouse, a few weeks away from bomb production.
According to the best experts, what separates Iran from the bomb is a political decision of its leaders.
After all, Iran has enriched enough uranium in recent years to produce a bomb, and even if it has not yet produced it and has not developed the ability to launch it on missiles, it is a technical matter that requires several weeks of effort, not a real obstacle.
In general, it is possible that Iran will refrain from declaring that it has a nuclear bomb, and will be satisfied with a situation in which everyone knows that it has the capacity to produce it.
This would be to give her a deterrent, and also a whip to wave it over the heads of her rivals.
And in the future, once you feel the moment has come, you can turn that ability into an operational bomb.
Israel must stop fighting the wars of the past.
The secret campaign waged by Israel did, however, lead to a significant delay in the Iranian project, but did not stop it.
In general, it must be admitted that Iran finds answers to Israel's moves - attacks on Israeli-owned ships in response to attacks attributed to Israel against Iranian tankers, or attacks on Israeli businessmen around the world in response to damage to Iranian scientists on Iranian soil.
What is needed is, of course, rethinking, out of the box, in the face of the new reality and facing Iran as a nuclear threshold state, which holds nuclear capabilities but does not declare them.
And we must also prepare for the moment when, at one point or another, Iran will declare, accept a people and a world that possess nuclear weapons.
Nuclear Iran is a problem, and even an existential threat.
But Israel has faced more severe threats in the past.
It should be remembered that Israel is ahead of Iran, and according to foreign reports, it achieved similar capabilities as early as the 1960s.
This is a significant gap, which at the time led Shimon Peres, one of the forefathers of Israel's nuclear program, to say that by waving the nuclear option, Iran is endangering itself and its residents first.
It is clear that the problem lies mainly at the doorstep of Israel, since it does not seem that a nuclear Iran is bothering the Chinese or Russians.
Even the United States would come to terms with such a reality, since a threat in the military option has always been word of mouth, and it is doubtful that anyone in Washington meant it seriously.
On the other hand, it is important to emphasize the network of ties that Israel has with the Gulf states and other countries that surround Iran, all of which feel threatened by it.
It is not for nothing that the Iranians cried out in the face of the possibility that Israel maintains a security presence on Azerbaijani soil.
Iran is a hero in Gaza or Yemen, but it also has a soft belly along its borders.
It is difficult to know whether these are right to claim that unlike the Iraqi or Syrian case, there is no military capability to destroy Iran’s nuclear project, which is scattered in well-hidden and protected sites throughout this country.
But the challenge currently facing the Israeli government is to replace diskette and formulate a new strategy vis-à-vis Iran, and that will be the big test.
