On Monday, the Avraham Agreements Lobby convened for the first time in the Knesset and hosted Donald Trump's former advisers, his daughter Ivanka and her husband Jared Kushner.
The lobby was established as a flashpoint by MK Ophir Akunis a day after the government was sworn in, so that those who signed the agreements would not be forgotten.
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett referred to the Avraham agreements in a variety of speeches in Israel and abroad, but in none of them did he bother to mention the role of his predecessor. The locals, and in the making of films that the members of the previous government did not have time to cut before moving on to the opposition, only last week three ministers came to inaugurate the Israeli pavilion at an expo in Dubai, commissioned by the previous government.
In addition to the important guests from America, Benjamin Netanyahu and Bnei Gantz, who was the Deputy Prime Minister at the time of signing the agreements, were honorably invited. But beyond the political speeches and the festive atmosphere at the inauguration of the lobby, quite a few factors in the place noticed an extraordinary political occurrence. Ganz will schedule his arrival only after Lapid's departure. Netanyahu, contrary to his habit of carrying things and disappearing, sat down after his speech and did not get up until after Ganz's speech. The latter, for his part, showered praise on Netanyahu - not only on his part in Avraham's agreements but also on security issues, while making sure to call him "the former prime minister." Gantz did not even mention Bennett and Lapid in his words.
Whoever raised an eyebrow on Monday - on Wednesday must have already raised two. It turns out that throughout the day, which included important votes such as the Basic Law on Immigration, the Cannabis Law and more, Netanyahu and Gantz were offset from each other and did not appear for the votes. This is after Netanyahu warned his friends at the beginning of the week that they must appear in all votes without vacations and without offsets.
Both the Likud and the coalition are following these movements, a kind of strange tango dance, between Netanyahu and Gantz, who, hopefully, who is apprehensive, and are careful not to jump to conclusions. Gantz's path to joining the government with Netanyahu seems very far on the one hand, but on the other hand it is not clear what prevention this scenario has from taking place. Ganz will not make the mistake he made last time and swear a government that within a month needs to pass a budget, but will wait until Bennett and Lapid do the work. After that, everything may be open. November, the deadline for approving the budget, is also the month in which Bnei Gantz was supposed to enter the prime minister's office if the previous government was still standing.
Edelstein truly believes
Most senior Likud members did not express astonishment at Yuli Edelstein's announcement of his candidacy against Netanyahu, but about its timing.
There are no internal elections on the horizon.
After all, Netanyahu himself tried to move elections and when he saw the opposition withdrew.
So what is the road to him now, to Edelstein, wonder.
The immediate suspicion fell on his wife at all.
Irena Nevzlin is currently running for the position of chairman of the agency. According to the same theory, Nevzlin did not want to be suspected as Netanyahu's candidate or as someone who would be subordinate to him in any way, and her husband's move was intended to make this clear to members of the selection committee.
In his remarks, Edelstein used the exact same argument that Gideon Saar made before him when he announced his candidacy against Netanyahu. Saar was defeated and formed a new party, and the many similarities between the two words led to the theory that spread in Likud circles that Edelstein's entire declaration was intended to prepare the ground for his departure and joining the government. Just as Saar had done before him. Edelstein and Zeev Elkin are good friends, and were even part of a strong and loyal political axis when they were both within the Likud. The friendship ties were maintained even after Elkin abandoned a new hope.
Edelstein argues that the exact opposite is true.
According to him, since the inauguration, the government has already made the decision to deal with it in his heart.
In the fourth wave of the Corona, Edelstein wanted to sharply attack the new government, but the fear that he would be asked everywhere if he intended to run against Netanyahu paralyzed him.
He claims the reason he disappeared and did not appear in the media is not because he winks at the government, but because his hands were tied.
Now, he says, after announcing, he will be released to attack.
Likud officials have already spoken out in a clear voice when the argument was heard that Netanyahu could not form a government and should therefore be replaced.
Edelstein believes that many things have happened since then, and Likud members may have become sober.
He does not see the sacrifice of Netanyahu's head as an award to the left, and believes that in the current rules of the game there is no escape from this move.
IDEOLOGY LTD
Along with the collapse of Elazar Stern's candidacy for the presidency of the agency, the extreme progression of feminism also collapsed. There is no other way to define it when one by one all the most eloquent and sharp spokespersons on the subject in recent years have preferred to fill their mouths with water or mumble a meaningless pile of words when asked how they reacted to Stern's remarks that Gers, as a senior officer, .
common to refer to ideology as an exalted moral compass next go to rest. it is also common to think that some people crying out from the walls of the heart, or at least so it seems, on a particular subject, devotes time and thought multiple interviewed him endlessly, and is not afraid to confront others And to stand up for his justice for him - this is indeed an ideology.
Not always, it turns out, this is true. Some people have the talent to shout and demand justice and honesty from others, but when it is brought to their attention, it turns out that their doctrine is quite crisp and calm. When you are not willing to pay prices for an ideology - this is not an ideology. It's at most an ax to dig with. And one by one, all those with ultra-liberal radical voices showed how they dissolve and evaporate like dust in the wind when required to express their well-known position, thus jeopardizing the coalition's integrity and their integrity on the deer's leather seats and the pleasures of power.
After the undisputed representation of radical feminism introduced the "Mi Tu" phenomenon into the Israeli consensus, it became clear this week that a work arrangement for Stern, which would give way to Eli Avidar, thus ensuring a majority for budget approval and government stability, is much more important.
Their ability to instantly throw the ideological burden off them and turn to the work of preserving the coalition is admirable.
Had there been, by contrast, the ten martyrs and all the moralists in the Jewish ethos from the dawn of history discover in time the secret of Merav Michaeli, Tamar Zandberg, Michal Rosin, leadership and membership of the women's organizations - they could have lasted well and pleasantly.
