The right-wing camp rose yesterday at the dawn of a new day, or rather, at the dawn of a new Memorial Day.
selective.
And we will remove for a moment from the regular menu the obsessive preoccupation with what Netanyahu did, and whether or not he stood for the little prominence that the left assigned to him in the ceremony.
This of course has not changed.
But in the second part of the annual menu we certainly saw a change, and it was led yesterday by Yair Lapid: playlist of accusations against the entire right-wing camp, crocheted kippahs, those rabbis and everyone in the wrong camp - significantly diluted, and precise artillery aimed at the right of the kind left out of the coalition.
That is - there is a right that remains guilty, and there is the right that has been pardoned.
The accusing fingers, who had been typing scolding columns for 25 years, were given a rest this time. Because also, and perhaps most importantly, around the assassination of Rabin, the left is not really anxious for the peace of democracy and does not fight incitement "for the next assassination", but mobilizes all the symbolic weight of the known date to pull the ram that will strike a bit on the other side, those who "incited" . But this time, this particular political side is already a little less on the other side, and more a sub-player in the government that the left could only dream of. Suddenly it became less urgent to put the whole right on the wall.
And if the banner of the fight against gender-based violence can be folded when it comes to the former president from the right place with the right opinions - the banner of blaming the right can also be stored when needed. In other words, it is impossible to conduct this propaganda as usual when you are in government with the right. Because the constant "Ishumiada" around this day was not only aimed at Netanyahu; The finger was pointed at the crocheted kippah public for all its streams, and at that inciting and disturbed Likud right. Shaked and Bennett were once representatives of dangerous fascism, Lieberman was a symbol of racism, and Gideon Saar and Elkin were also the flesh and blood of the same institutional and old-fashioned Likud that withstood the constant attack. Today they serve the overarching goal: to weaken the national camp and its leader.
Which also means that the left has found a life for itself. Years since the loss of the ideological path, the preoccupation with Rabin's assassination and the vote on the culprits have been the only things that have united the crumbling and outcast left, providing him with an annual moment of "togetherness." Almost the entire day in the government, with the possible exception of the members of Hadash, who are in any case more identified with the coalition than with the other opposition parties.
But above all, this time the political exploitation and the blackening campaign around the commemorative enterprise meet in an uncomfortable climate.
The evidence for Peres emerges at a problematic time for those who are consciously working to produce an "enlightened camp" versus a "camp of darkness."
Behind the scenes of the politics of remembrance and commemoration are more exposed than ever, and we all get a glimpse of the sausage factory of the Holy Land of the Israeli nation.
We discovered how in questions about memory and heritage - it all comes down to position.
In the worst case, a relationship of silence took place around Peres' character, when many knew but did not dare to flood.
And in the worst case, even when they (and especially to them) learned - it seems that they cared more about "heritage" and "symbol", and less about victims.
And when the wheels of politicization of memory and commemoration are so squeaky, who has the power to hear more sermons?