It is no big secret
It is no big secret
that the people of Israel are not something.
We receive consistent negative feedback from the nations of the world.
Israel is the pinnacle of condemnation at the UN, and rightly so, because we Jews are breathing and we have an army and that is not right. Naturally, these negative feelings also exist in the hearts of Israeli citizens of the finest kind, premium brands, who every morning release a groaning groan: what does an orchid like me do In this Levantine wart bed, where every citizen has the right to vote just like me.
These feelings of alienation erupted powerfully in the 1977 upheaval, and since then the best of our orchids have been engaged in building a concrete buffer between themselves and the people with whom they were stuck for no injustice in their pure palm. The public does not vote for orchids, nor does it increase to do so: it also does not recognize their orchids, nor does it understand that it is a wart. problem.
As the political power of the left was greatly weakened, he acted to fortify himself in unelected institutions and control the people of the wartime even without first going to the polls. The Supreme Court placed itself above the legislature with the judicial coup of Aharon Barak in 1992. To be on the safe side, without authority and in violation of the law, the Supreme Court also delegated to legal advisers the ability to decide over ministers and Knesset members. The Knesset, recklessly and by a small majority, has equipped the court by force to invalidate an ordinary law if it is inconsistent with a Basic Law. It was a small appetizer for a hungry crocodile: the years passed, and the Supreme Court announced that if necessary it would also invalidate a Basic Law, and ombudsmen would stop legislation in advance on the grounds that it would not pass the High Court, to mark the boundaries of the Knesset and government.
In return for this hard work, the judiciary has set itself a higher salary than that of elected officials, and if a salary expresses appreciation for an official and his status - it is no wonder that Supreme Court justices, the Attorney General and the State Attorney receive a higher salary than a prime minister or minister.
Elected officials are forced to bear the brunt of their high wages - only a year ago they received a cut, for the good impression - while the judiciary is claiming huge salaries as compensation for its willingness to steal power.
But even that is not enough, as the Libyas still have two essential democratic principles left: the presumption of innocence and the right to vote and to be elected.
These created embarrassment among the orchid elite, who realized that for the benefit of all - or as Barak put it: "the enlightened public", which is the only public that matters - the presumption of innocence should be denied to a person seeking to run for prime minister, and frozen for two-three or ten years. Standing at its head you will find that he is entitled.
The law promoted by Justice Minister Gideon Saar is intended to prevent a person who has been indicted from running or being elected prime minister.
Instead of the public, these basic rights will pass to two unelected officials: the Attorney General and the chairman of the Election Commission. A thousand who voted for Saar's party "New Hope." Well, the answer under the Saar law is this: Who are you, poor citizens, to challenge the sacred opinion of two officials who grew up in the justice system?
Saar and his friends are well aware
Saar and his friends are well aware
that the law is undemocratic.
The late Rabin said that violence is "eroding the foundations of democracy", but this law is its complete destruction. Coalition spokesmen are unable to raise even one substantive argument to defend it, and it is not their fault - there is no such argument.
The freezing of a defendant's political career for an indefinite period, at the end of which he may be acquitted, is the abolition of democracy and the denial of the presumption of innocence, which is not sacred. In a democracy, a person is not punished until proven guilty. When Yair Lapid writes: "There can be no indictments for the driver, security guard, medical staff and domestic workers of the prime minister, but the prime minister will have indictments," he deliberately ignores the difference between drivers, security guards and domestic workers (and there are compelling reasons to claim that Them is not justified to dismiss due to an indictment), and those whom the citizens have chosen to represent them. The public elects its own representatives. These in turn act according to the will of the public, and if not - they will be replaced by the public. And here, elected officials appear and propose to replace the people's choice with the decision of two unelected jurists. And they do so not out of anxiety for the purity of morals, but out of other motives: one, deep contempt for the people, and the other, full confidence that this weapon will never be directed at them.
Contempt for the people was born against the background of the collapse of all leftist ideas and the political failure that followed.
The inability of the left to grow leaders among itself is so decisive that in recent decades they have been forced to import all their prime ministers from the right, with the help of media and legal violence.
With Netanyahu, they encountered difficulties, so they lowered their standards to a new low: they led Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked, two imposters to the right, who defected to the left with six seats.
This is also undemocratic - as Bennett himself declared before the election.
The right-wing party may veto the law, but instead Shaked and Matan Kahana have contented themselves with a weak coat of reservations.
Democracy did not do well with the left.
He is therefore trying to replace her with a dictatorship of two officials, who could disqualify a prime ministerial candidate before setting foot in court, before the first cross-examination.
Saar, like his partners in turning Israel into a dictatorship, strongly claims that this is not personal legislation against Netanyahu.
This is really not a personal law against Netanyahu.
He is personal in a much broader sense: he is personally directed against any citizen who dares to choose a candidate who is not acceptable to the failed leftist camp, who is willing to burn democracy, the main thing is not to lose the election.