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Prime Minister's leadership test: Between Saar and Shaked, Bennett will have to decide his political future

Saar's law that would prevent a criminal from serving a criminal term puts Bennett in front of one of the most significant political decisions of his life - but in the meantime he is postponing the disputes to "after the budget".

The small fires that are now taking place in the coalition are just a trailer for the headaches that are waiting around the corner

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• Naftali Bennett

• Gideon Saar

• Ayelet Shaked

His dew

Friday, October 22, 2021, 08:19

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In the video: Prime Minister Naftali Bennett on his departure for a diplomatic visit to Russia (Photo: Omar Miron, GPO)

The Deputy Prime Minister, Yair Lapid, went down yesterday (Thursday) with Mansour Abbas for a media visit to the Bedouin diaspora in the Negev. Along with the chairman of RAAM, he announced his commitment to regulating three Bedouin localities in the south, and connecting more localities to electricity, in parallel with the approval of the new five-year plan for Arab society in the coming weeks. All of these commitments were included in the coalition agreement that RAAM signed with the formation of the government, and the delay in their implementation caused great resentment, to say the least, of the historic partner of the Bennett-Lapid government. , Even in the days of the coalition negotiations.

These are days of putting out fires in the coalition, ahead of budget approval early next month. Earlier this week, at the opening of the cabinet meeting, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett asked the ministers to "minimize controversy and think of a bigger goal" and postpone the quarrels and disputes in a few weeks. The government has set itself a particularly optimistic deadline: by law, the budget can pass by November 14, but they are now aiming for the final votes as early as the first week of the month, with a two-week confidence interval for last-minute complications.

Lapid's visit to the Negev was intended to appease RAAM, which this week raised the threatening tones to the point of shutting down the Interior Committee headed by MK Walid Taha.

With a narrow majority of 61 fingers, it's time for every MK and MK to make a demand that make a celebration and the coalition's daily confrontation routine produces a lot of friction and danger zones in the first place.

Not a day goes by without at least one grievance from Ram or Meretz, who share grievances and anger towards Ayelet Shaked, who in turn began a bi-weekly tradition of posts against Yair Lapid. in peace.

More on Walla!

Mandelblit: The law that prevents a criminal defendant from forming a government - not personal

To the full article

The Prime Minister's political test. Bennett and Saar (Photo: Flash 90, Miriam Elster)

The prevailing assessment in the political system, at both ends, is that none of the threatening and contentious noises will lead to the overthrow of the government. The budget is marked and imagined by coalition officials as a coveted goal that will give the government the stability enough to sit comfortably in a chair, for at least two years. Only in the meantime, tasks and problems are accumulating on the government's table for "after-budget" care, with the procrastination typical of "after the holidays." All the little arguments now are just a trailer. The big headaches are expected to start just after the budget passes.

The following is a representative sample: Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked redistributed the controversial Citizenship Law earlier this month, which will re-flood the old crisis with RAAM and Meretz. Justice Minister Gideon Saar began promoting the laws restricting the priesthood and preventing the priesthood from being prosecuted, and together with Defense Minister Bnei Gantz is also waiting to advance a decision to establish a commission of inquiry into the submarine affair, contrary to Bennett and Ayelet Shaked's position. The map of national priority areas, which will land on the cabinet table about two months after the budget is passed, is expected to become the scene of a difficult political struggle between right and left. The White House is also waiting after the budget to place demands on the government, such as reopening the Palestinian consulate in Jerusalem or curbing construction in the settlements. After the budget, the government will also have to deal with the problem of Eli Avidar, and with the promise of appointing him minister of intelligence, which collapsed together with the collapse of Elazar Stern's candidacy for head of the agency. Avidar clarified that he does not intend to remain in the fictitious title of "Minister of Strategic Planning."

Of all the headaches brewing in and around the coalition, Saar’s legislative blitz puts Bennett to a particularly challenging political test.

The most explosive law it promotes, which would prevent a criminal defendant from getting the mandate to form a government, has many fathers: Almost every partner in the Rak-La-Bibi coalition has a similar bill on previous conventions of war on Netanyahu from opposition benches - except for Bennett's right-wing camp. In similar moves in the skin of her teeth.

Saar Kalikodnik also opposed personal legislative initiatives, and only when he established "New Hope" did he discover the difficulty inherent in the tenure of a prime minister accused of crimes.

A media visit aimed at extinguishing fires.

Lapid and Abbas (Photo: Shai Makhlouf)

Since then, Saar has embraced the issue to his heart with all the force and the main spearhead of the move. Already in the coalition negotiations, he tried to bring the law into agreements, but Bennett, and especially Shaked, vetoed it. The law went into effect, and

Shaked fulfilled her role as expected, and the day after Saar's announcement, she appeared to turn down celebrations and make it clear that she was opposed to a law that would give the ombudsman the power to decide who will head the government. Shaked resigned from Norwegian law, and in fact her opposition has no meaning in terms of gaining a majority in the vote, but she is not the only one on the "right" who is not enthusiastic about the move - with Matan Kahana, Nir Orbach and Avir Kara, and it is unclear Eternal excommunication from the right-wing camp to which they belonged for so many years.

Bennett, meanwhile, maintains ambiguity and postpones the discussion on the issue to "after the budget," and then, between Saar and Shaked, he will have to make one of the most significant political decisions of his life.

Saar is expected to pressure Bennett to grant freedom of vote that will allow him to pass the law with the support of the joint list, while Shaked will require him to exercise the veto that every coalition partner has on changing basic laws, and kill the law in government, even before he reaches the Knesset.

Not the only one on the right who is not enthusiastic about Saar's law.

Ayelet Shaked (Photo: Flash 90, Yonatan Zindel)

For Saar, Lapid, Ganz, Lieberman, Michaeli and Horowitz - the law that will prevent a criminal defendant from serving as prime minister is the fulfillment of a campaign promise.

For Bennett - this will be another reversed position and another breach of election promise.

Since the formation of the government, the network has been flooded with embarrassing videos from Bennett and Shaked's archives, but support for Saar's law, which provokes loud condemnation from the Likud and the right in general, is another huge step toward crossing the Rubicon to the opposing camp.

Shaked will try to convince him that this is one step too many and keep a possible escape route home.

Saar's insistence on advancing the law, on Shaked's well-known nose and anger, pushes Bennett into a corner of deciding his political future and the crowd of supporters and voters he seeks to appease or recruit.

It also puts him to the test of leadership in front of other coalition partners, who embrace the blitz of legislation with open arms: his decision will determine whether he heads Bennett's prime minister, or just a just-not-Bibi prime minister.

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