Flowering Towers in the Air | Israel today

In the 1970s no one talked

50 years ago, in 1971, one of the classic books in the history of the country, "The Israelis" by Amos Ayalon, was published. Beyond the good writing, it is interesting to read it today to notice things that were perceived by one of the prominent intellectuals and journalists as necessary for reference.

By 1971 there were already elites, or "elites" as they were called in standard Hebrew; There were pioneers, there was Meir Har Zion, Moshe Dayan; There were kibbutzim. There was a pretty spectacular picture of Israeliness. What was not there, other than that the name Menachem Begin is not mentioned even once? Legal matters. Only perhaps in one line, in a nutshell who is a Jew. But the judicial system for its top advisers and judges is completely absent.

The reason for this is clear. Except in the space of jurists in academia, legal issues in Israel at the time were like the air we breathe. No one thought of them. No one's breath was taken in eager anticipation of the rulings of three or five or nine judges in Jerusalem. Trust that the issue is being addressed. Just as the military and security seemed to be in the hands of responsible and competent hands. In the early 1970s, the justice system was not like some big stone in the Fifth Square.

It increasingly seems that the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty, passed 29 years ago, was not just a revolution in the Histadrut but a kind of Yom Kippur event. Nowadays, when you connect to any media, the dose of dealing with law and justice issues and legal politics is almost equal to dealing with the most petty party and government politics. Yes, today people think about the air they breathe.

And here are two dramatic legal events: the Netanyahu law promoted by Gideon Saar and the business of the Judicial Selection Committee. MK Simcha Rotman is a jurist and also an intellectual who has studied and researched the issues of the so-called "High Court Party". Of all the crop of election rounds, Rothman is a strategic mishap for the justice system because he understands what he is talking about and next to him the senior legal establishment people look as ridiculous as Honora cartoons of silence.

As a member of the Judicial Selection Committee, Rothman demands to meet with candidates for the Supreme Court. President Esther Hayut banned the candidates from meeting with committee members. Earlier, the Movement for Governance petitioned against a directive prohibiting such meetings, and the High Court in response coined the term "inherent authority" to give themselves a power that does not exist in law: .And here relied on a previous High Court ruling from 2014. That is, a loop of logic that looks like a tower blossoming in the air.

In Naomi Levitsky's book, "The Supreme," she describes how Supreme Court justices - on their own initiative - interrogate candidates, and express opinions and assessments of their personalities toward each other. There is no such process in a democracy. In Israel, the process is tortuous and only experts know about it. In the US every citizen knows how a Supreme Court justice is elected,Who chooses and what are his positions revealed in open investigations by a Senate committee.

In the end, there will be no choice but to cancel the committee for the appointment of judges and make a clear determination that the candidates will be selected by a committee of the Knesset and with the approval of the Knesset. It will bring back some authority and respect to the legislature.

An (anti) Netanyahu law connects to this because it really touches on politics, but in both cases it expresses the fear of the ruling elite groups of the rise of a representative and strong enough leader to push policy.

We will return to Amos Ayalon. He expressed a slight concern that over the years had become dominant: "At least six factors could have encouraged tyranny ... the perpetuation of war ... great appreciation for military leaders ... the lack of a constitution ... the control of official ideology (Zionism and to a lesser extent, socialist Zionism "Fifth, the existence of power elites of the avant-garde or arrogant type who believe they must 'educate' the people ... Sixth, an electorate that shares some traumatic fears and some 'Oriental' with little previous experience in Western democracy."

The various refugees. Percentages of fears are Holocaust survivors. The Orientals, these are immigrants from Arab countries. In the meantime, immigrants from the Commonwealth of Independent States have also been added. But in general, these are all those who were not connected to the Histadrut society and its affiliates, just free citizens who watched from the sidelines from their unprotected world in the same melting pot that determines everything; In those "power elites," "socialist Zionists," "military leaders"; All these groups are today united together in the repulsive attempts of the Freemasons, who are not affiliated with one oligarchic organization or another.

The surprise is that Naftali Bennett does not immediately reject Gideon Saar's law initiative. "Bennett, at the end of right-wingism means, among other things, opposition to an official ... determining the fate of millions," Amit Segal said. "Bennett himself has said this before. And the fact that he is now silent raises tough questions on his spine."

As for the spinal cord and invertebrates, it is hard to resist, and there is no choice but to quote Winston Churchill, as it appears in Boris Johnson's surprising book "The Churchill Effect" (Oatmeal Publishing): "I remember when I was a kid they took Me to the famous Barnum Circus, and it had all kinds of creatures and monsters, but the exhibit I most wanted to see was the neighborhood called 'The Spineless Miracle'. Sitting on the treasury. "

President Hayut, Attorney General Mandelblit and their comrades really have nothing to worry about.

Do not be a woman

The dangerous attack on the health care system, as also expressed against Dr. Elrai Price, flows into the progressive minefield

. Beilinson hospital department corona ", engraved family.

From February 2020 to the summer of 2021 there were no outstanding phenomena of rebellion and hatred for health care providers and the health system. perhaps because these were directed against the government and its leader, Benjamin Netanyahu. recorded revelations, it will be recalled, the deniers of the epidemic and then Prof. Yoram Les is history,

and the system and those who stop the illness in the first line, ie the doctors and nurses in the hospitals, have generally been highly regarded. Saluted them.

All the negative phenomena on the subject of the epidemic, which involve the rise of the new government, are being swept away by the media in the context of "news that is not worthy of publication." Beyond the high mortality that accompanies government exchanges, attitudes toward the health care system have changed. It began with attacks on cabinet meetings and Knesset committees against the health care system and especially against Dr. Sharon Elrai Price, and culminated when Prime Minister Naftali Bennett gave a speech in front of a packed hall at a UN vacuum, attacking the health care system and specifically doctors. .

The instigators, who have been focusing on the character of Elrai Price for many months, received a spirit from the commander. Why is she not Nachman? Why is she and not Nitzan? Why did Prof. Sadecki, her predecessor, not receive attacks and threats, as happens in the entire environment of Elrai Price's life? Here we enter the wide-ranging universal minefield of the death of feminism broken as pottery in the face of the rising nihilistic power of gender. Hard to believe that recently stopped the US from using the word "woman". Journal of Medical Science "Henst" has been called the woman a "body with a garden." Alexandria Ocasio Cortez urges women to "people individually."

Death of Feminism involves the use of themes and female sex as a means of eliminating public character Sharon Elrai Price stimulates aggression because of what she is: a woman of a high professional level, with a charismatic appearance, fluent, fearless, strong, and most importantly - a mother to children. She did not receive support from women's organizations. ,She does not chair al-Haq.

Dr. Sharon Elrai Price / Photo: Oren Ben Hakon,

This thing called Israel

Jean-Pierre Ido

's journey

"The Forbidden Journey." A good name for a film made in our time about Israel. At the beginning of the week, his premiere will take place at the Tel Aviv Cinematheque. Filmmaker Jean-Pierre Ido teamed up with Ziva Postek to search for himself, Judaism, Israel.

At the beginning of the film one of the interviewees is the Algerian writer Boalem Sansel, a friend of Yido's from his time in Algeria. Together with him, he overlooks the entire area, which is bursting with religions and believers: al-Aqsa, the Omar Mosque, the Western Wall Temple Mount. Sensel looks on in admiration, describing the noisy propaganda world in Algeria that has covered up on this thing called "Israel." There is no such thing as Israel. There is only the "Zionist entity", the "Occupied Territories", "Palestine" and so on.

Yado admits that a huge barrier was built for him against Israel,And most of the film actually describes the breaking of the same barrier of brainwashing against everything Israeli - the intensities stem from the antisemitic element.

He himself grew up as a communist and at his age he still managed to study cinema in the Moscow of the Brezhnev days. According to the film, it seems that film studies in the Soviet Union were better than usual in Israel. It's a movie with a breath of fresh air. Without all the sensational tricks required to get to film production in the usual television frameworks. There is something in it that is reminiscent of Lantzman's film, "Why Israel," which was made in the early 1970s, before the Yom Kippur War, and preceded "The Holocaust." Israel looks different through the lens of Jean-Pierre Yido. More beautiful, evokes memories. He is like singing to her, "You are beautiful, my wife."

The work mainly teaches about the rift and the continuity in the life of the Algerian Jewish community, and from that about all the Mizrahis in Israel. I have no choice but to assume here the identity of an Ashkenazi, or "accumulator," and as a result reach a firm, quick, and perhaps not Oriental conclusion: the Ashkenazis did not learn the lessons of the Holocaust; While the Orientals learned the lesson of the persecutions they experienced in Arab countries.This is probably the real rift in the heart of the Israeli population.

The political cacophony that Israel is experiencing these days is mainly a blow to the Mizrahis.

The establishments made an alliance on their backs with the Arabs.

The testimonies of some of the characters in the film paint a sequence between the murders and massacres they experienced in Algeria's cities and the terrorist massacres they committed in Israel.

The film will be screened in cinemas.

Too bad not on a major TV channel.

Listen to the Guardian

One testimony shows that even if there was no attempt to break into the prime minister's house during the Balfour protests, there was a siege - which is no less serious than the

line the police are now trying to present regarding the Balfour riots a year and a quarter before Netanyahu's overthrow. Important - if only for the sake of history. There are things that are confidential and we know for sure that they wanted to break into the Prime Minister's house. "Thanks to the police, a Capitol event was avoided here."

If a break-in to the Prime Minister's House compound was not among the targets of the rioters, why was it necessary to put in front of them chains of policemen and border guards? Had they managed to recruit larger numbers of rioters, they might have managed to carry out a burglary.They announced this.

Ehud Barak arrogantly described how one night Prime Minister Netanyahu returned by car, and all access roads to the residence in Balfour were blocked; the car had to make roundabouts for a long time until it managed to enter the compound.