Israel's new ambassador to Washington, Michael (Mike) Herzog, will take up his post next week.
Herzog will replace Gilad Ardan, who has held the post since the Biden administration took office on January 20 this year.
Although the timing of the exchanges is coincidental, the symbolism is great.
Since the formation of the current government in Israel, the Biden government has visited the Bennett-Lapid government and wrapped it in cotton wool.
With the approval of the state budget in the Knesset, that is, ensuring its parliamentary stability, it is clear to all parties entering a new phase.
The adjustment period has ended.
From now on start working.
Biden and Bennett statements in the White House: "Iranian aggression must be stopped" // Credit: Video - Itai Beit-On, GPO // Sound: Ben Peretz, GPO
The administration will allow itself to be less gentle with the government, but will also be careful not to tear the rope.
Exactly according to the same method, the Israeli side will have to wisely economize its steps so as not to get caught up in a conflict that, more than anything else, could jeopardize the existence of the government.
The most politically sensitive issue - not necessarily a political one - is the Palestinian.
The desire of government officials to open a US consulate for Palestinians in Jerusalem, Israel's intention to approve additional construction plans in Jerusalem and Judea and Samaria, and other moves related to the Palestinian Authority - could degenerate into a crisis if not properly managed.
Conduct errors can be on both sides.
We saw an example of this in the case of the six non-profit organizations that Israel declared terrorist organizations.
Although a representative of the Foreign Ministry updated the administration in advance, officials in the State Department chose to create a crisis and accuse Israel of not updating.
The same is true of the consulate.
If Blinken insists on its opening, relations between the two countries will find themselves in an acute crisis, and are likely to lead to the fall of the government.
On the other hand, if the parties manage to keep the issue at a low profile and are not surprised by unilateral steps, the political and political crisis will be avoided.
Much more sensitive is the Iranian issue.
Here the dispute between the parties is several times more difficult.
The United States is eager to return to the nuclear deal, while Israel is convinced that such a move would be disastrous. During the Obama era - this time Israel is updated on American moves, and it even has an impact on the positions that the United States will present in talks with Iran in Vienna.
So this is not a 2015 rerun, but a confrontation that both sides want to prevent.
And not just the parties.
As things stand at the moment, and the Americans understand this, Iran just wants to pull time and not reach an agreement at all.
Therefore, alongside the emphasis that Israel places on the elements that it believes should be in the agreement, the two countries are already talking about the day after the "no agreement."
That is, what will be the next steps of the administration, in case no agreements are reached with Iran.
Intimate conversations of this kind indicate good, even intimate relationships.
Indeed, in the coming weeks, Defense Minister Bnei Gantz is expected to arrive in the United States, speaking mainly about Iran, Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked, who will promote the exemption for Israelis from entering the United States, and Deputy Foreign Minister Idan Roll, who will address the progressive community.
So on the day after the budget is approved, we will probably continue to see frictions with the US on the Palestinian issue. They are inevitable. A crisis, as far as can be predicted, is unpredictable.
