In Israel, 2021 was a revolution in government. The so-called "Likud princes" were among his supporters and leaders. Most of them became the nomadic sands of the right and passed proud and complacent to the government of Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid. The most influential man in government production is Justice Minister Gideon Saar. Technically, Saar does not belong to the "princes" group; It is possible that the very pose of imitation in the style of Sammy-Prince expresses a lot about his personality. He follows in the footsteps of Prince Dan Meridor, and gets a strong backing from Limor Livnat and Benny Begin who joined his party, and of course Reuven Rivlin, who instead of preventing the coup chose to join the "rule of law gang".
The princes once saw themselves as candidates for prime minister, but Menachem Begin already recognized in them their great shortcoming when he said: "They did not constitute an electoral factor."
And here came Benjamin Netanyahu and he held the Likud, and they did not forgive him for that.
Thus it turned out that what their parents had built and created during a stubborn ideological and political struggle through the "warring family" and the eastern periphery, the princes stood up and handed over without a fight to their rivals.
Saar seems to want to radiate a combination of aesthetics in the style of the Jabotinsky citrus alongside a show of decency.
Everything is an image.
He generally came from the Resurrection Youth, who had a loose connection to the right of the labor movement.
But psychologically it is perceived by the public as representing the last line of the princes phenomenon.
Into the citrus image he mixed some bohemian fashion stuff - went to bars and modeled DJ shows.
The ruling class
This mixture did not prevent him from being the "darling" of the media when it came time to go out against the Likud. Is the fashionable cork of the right. His employment background data are that of a law student, a press correspondent, who, like Ehud Olmert, preferred the world of law over the press. He was absorbed into the State Attorney's Office and became one of the eternal Likud youths and a lawyer among lawyers. Menachem Begin was also a Galist who studied law in Poland; And his son, Benjamin Begin, is a geologist, but adopted by the justice and security systems.
Saar's friends at New Hope, Zvi Hauser and Yoaz Handel, are distinct establishment members. Another thing that characterizes Saar, Hauser, Meridor and perhaps others, are the family ties into the thick of the bureaucratic or media elites. While Sarah Netanyahu is portrayed in the media as a demonic phenomenon of the woman of intrigue, Gideon has Geula Even-Saar, who probably sits in one of the media propaganda centers in the "Here" corporation. Zvi Hauser has a representative, his son Michael, who is currently starring in Haaretz and earlier in the IDF waves.
Blood ties between brothers in special units such as the General Staff Reconnaissance Squadron, or lineages of fathers, sons and brothers in the combat squadrons, are designed to generate family loyalty among all the fighters in the unit. But when it comes to family ties of certain elites Incidentally, this is one of the elements of cement that together solidify the elites in Israel, who have undergone a change over the last generation. These are no longer natural elites in every area of society and nation, Eliezer Livneh wrote more than 60 years ago about the "upper class" in Israel. But the ruling class is already something different.
Without the existence of a ruling class that felt and was aware of its power, a government coup against the Likud would not have been possible.
During the peak of the protest in the streets of Gaza and Balfour in Jerusalem, we heard from Prof. Yoram Yuval, one of the organizers of the event, that "when the elites unite - they can still achieve great things."
Intended to overthrow the Prime Minister.
Dr. Moshe Burnett calls the phenomenon "betrayal of the elites." Some confuse it with "betrayal of the intellectuals" by Julian Benda. The ruling class for the people, and an action that is clearly against the national interest and against democracy, certainly its main content is the war of the elites against the people.
Likud disbandment project
It is hard not to see that the "princes of the Likud" each in turn faithfully chose the establishment to which they are tightly bound, kicking the Likud electorate, which is the salt of the earth and the majority of the quorum and the building of the right in Israel.
Between the electorate - the sweaty ones, kissing mezuzahs and the stones of the Western Wall, who do what is customary in democratic struggles, the loyal patriots - and the embracing friendships of princes with the ruling class, the latter preferred loyalty to the class with almost no remorse.
A symbolic event for social conflict.
Check around the Hasi River,
This is the ball of make-up marquis who bowed their heads before the left-wing order, the judiciary and the security views of the IDF top brass. , A leader who is able to dictate his will to every party member as to the commentators in the media. Prof. Shlomo Avineri will already explain that this is justified because the left has lost its place unjustly.
It is no wonder that for years Saar, even when he was in the Likud, tried to fish his electoral support among defined audiences that do not belong to the broad root pool of Likud voters;
These were the settlers, the Druze villages, where he tried to win votes in exchange for addressing local demands contrary to government policy, as reported in the media.
Recently he has been trying to fish in the murky waters of a crowd of corona deniers and vaccines.
It is not clear when Saar enlisted in the Likud disbandment project for a collection of small and medium-sized parties fighting each other.
This is the overarching goal of the ruling class in Israel.
The Likud is the main instrument that allows the people to express their voice and exercise their power to pursue a national policy imbued with strong opposition to the implementation of the failed Oslo Accords, alongside a stubborn struggle to redefine Israeli relations with Arab states not on the basis of a Palestinian solution first.
The Likud, led by Netanyahu, has led the policy of economic growth in the broad sense that has promoted a new, strong and dominant position in Israeli society over the past 20 years;
This is the Eastern middle class, which the ruling class is trying to suppress, and if possible disperse to any wind.
Bend his head to the standard of "despicable."
The historical power of the Likud is in the redesign of the class structure in Israel that was built on one group, on one elite that held all the power in all possible establishment mechanisms.
The Likud shaped a different social and political culture, opened new routes, broke through the blocked roads.
In doing so, he became a threatening marker against the ruling class in Israel.
The white elites who controlled the important functions in the country found in the Likud a threatening power that rose by the power of democracy.
The collapse of the elites at the ballot box led them to exercise their control over the centers of the establishment that remained in their hands.
The effort to split the Likud into parts failed.
Even for those institutional elites it is clear that Saar is a shattered cane.
"The Long Parade"
The Nahal Hasi affair in Kibbutz Nir David is a symbolic event of social conflict in Israel;
It is a clash between the residents of a field city that is rushing forward economically to close gaps of dispossession and exclusion, in front of Kibbutz Sheva, a veteran, who turned "He Walked in the Fields" into a real estate agency based on the admissions committee.
The Likud disbandment project actually began with an attempt to cut off the Mizrahi public by Shas, which swayed for nearly a decade between right and left and became an element in the Rabin government in 1992 and then in the Barak government. , To the right.
According to opinion polls, the Likud plus Shas is now approaching the mythical 48-seat number from the 1981 election.
In 1999, there were two prominent defectors from the Likud, Dan Meridor and David Levy.
Both presented it as a personal problem with Netanyahu;
But in both cases there were basic reasons, while the personal issue, then yes today, is only a faint disguise for a significant political decision.
For Levy, this was mainly a socio-economic issue, but also a political disagreement.
Therefore, he preferred to join the Labor Party in its disguise as "one Israel."
At Meridor, his connections to the legal establishment and the defense establishment worked.
When these two establishments clashed with the Likud leader who was then prime minister, Meridor joined them in full force. Was one of the founders of the Center Party which won the same number of seats as Saar.
Saar went through a similar process.
Legal clashes have become an endemic threat over Netanyahu's years, but since Saar became prime minister in 2009, Netanyahu's confrontation with the defense establishment over the Iranian nuclear issue has developed.
What characterizes the Saar party today is identical in one of its important foundations for the perception of the left.
It is the sanctification of the establishments and bodies within which the elites operate, which preserve the presence of sunset and their degeneration.
Invented a new terminology for these establishments, "gatekeepers."
Some like Joaz Handel have returned to the concepts of "statehood."
It is precisely this Ben-Gurion concept that reveals how much these institutions have become hollow in their struggle to reduce the space of democracy.
In the West, and especially in the United States, the revolutionary line that took over the left in the 1970s is well known. Through the institutions "- which means, in Marcuse's words," to act against the institutions that sit on their machine while working out of them. "
It is interesting that in Israel the process began to occur almost simultaneously, and this was of course with the loss of the hegemony of the labor movement in the Likud upheaval in 1977. The Likud certainly never opposed the IDF, the GSS, the police and the various components of the judiciary.
Menachem Begin's traditional position is well known.
But the results of the long parade of left-wing organizations, and the constant pressure of the media to become a political police force, emptied the content of the institutions for which they were established.
These are the institutions that Zvi Hauser founded a few years ago because their officials undermine the government's ability to act;
And these are the institutions that Handel, Lapid and Saar sanctify, and blame Netanyahu and the Likud for destroying them.
The symbiotic connection created between the judiciary and the defense establishment and the media has become very effective in resisting the will of the public, which has been expressed in elected right-wing governments.
Dan Meridor / Photo: Lior Mizrahi,
The results of the "long march" are also seen in the success of the coup, which was not carried out with the flick of a single decisive move but with a continuous series of steps.
The Netanyahu trial is the main product of the ongoing struggle.
But the difficulty of finding conservative candidates for the Supreme Court also shows the left-wing value uniformity imposed on students in law schools.
Netanyahu's resurgence in 2009 marked the resumption of the effort to disband the Likud, this time with the religious right-wing party of Naftali Bennett and Ayelet Shaked, which was built on the ruins of the old NRP, mobilizing for the project. The disbandment of the right turned into a campaign against the Likud with the aim of disintegrating it.
Assault shows the direction
Today we have reached a situation where the Minister of Justice Saar, and with him the legal establishment, is embracing Avigdor Lieberman, who was a key component in both the attempt to disband the Likud and in overthrowing Netanyahu.
Lieberman was a key potential suspect in the "Israel Beiteinu" affair, but his etrog reached such a level that the same people in the State Attorney's Office who had been dealing with his indictments for years relied on his appointment as finance minister.
Since Saar "retired" from political life in September 2014, for unknown reasons, he has filled in the gaps in his meridian profile.
That is, the security dimension.
He was accepted as a research fellow at the Institute for Security Studies, headed by Major General Amos Yadlin.
Over the years, the institute has emerged as a security-political interface.
A kind of base of absorption and sorting for IDF retirees as well, but also for the assets of the establishment and the left within the right.
Shaked is a political crossroads that connects Yedioth Ahronoth publisher Noni Mozes with the legal establishment. - Saar is the one that shows the direction: it is better to deal with the predatory law enforcement on the Jews than to enforce the law on the Arabs. Social and of course the personal laws against Netanyahu.
The truth is that in view of the current anti-democratic radical trend of the current government, I wonder what Menachem Begin would have said about it.
Hauser once said of Netanyahu that he was an ice-breaking ship - "the problem is that this ice-breaker spills in a lane that breaks too much diesel in the back."
The Bennett-Lapid-Saar government has already managed to pour much more fuel into its surroundings in the seven months of its existence than anything attributed to the former prime minister.
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