It would have seemed a moment of loss of control.
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett turned to the opposition benches - whose members burst out shouting "Shame!
Shame! "- tried to hurl harsh words at them, but was silenced by Likud members who shouted at him louder. He later tweeted:" Bunch of thugs, I am not afraid of you and I will not let you burn the country. "
The prime minister's entourage said he was trying to defend Nir Orbach and Yom-Tov Kalfon, members of his party who regularly suffer from right-wing attacks, but others in the plenum think otherwise. Rationally, the prime minister cannot slap Netanyahu and members of the opposition because they are thugs, and at the same time insult MK MK Orit Struck, "Fly me out of sight."
But rationality does not seem to have guided his steps for a long time.
It seems that this loss of control is not accidental, because it is also the feeling in everything related to the management of the current corona crisis.
According to estimates by the health system, within a month from today, nearly half of Israel's population will be infected.
With an infection rate of several tens of thousands a day, there does not seem to be a home in the country that the disease will miss.
When this reality was expected the government and its leader would encourage people to stay in homes as much as possible and reduce unnecessary gatherings, and increase enforcement of masking and isolation breakers.
In practice the complete opposite happens. A person who has decided to keep to himself, reduce contact and stay as secluded as possible in his home - does not get legal legitimacy to do so. In the workplace, if he is an employee, he will be expected to arrive as usual, and there is no law that will allow him to be absent due to Corona considerations. Employers who might have preferred to see as few office workers and more home-based workers can not do so because there is no one to compensate them for the loss in productivity. There is no compensation, no outline of Khalat. There is nothing. Everyone to himself.
Changing the test layout is part of the loss of control event.
For the first time since the beginning of the epidemic, the state, under the direction of the government, is in effect giving up monitoring the daily number of patients.
From the moment the new procedures are applied, the Ministry of Health will no longer know how many corona patients there are - since most of the tests will be home and unreported.
On the other hand, if in any case the state in the current government period has nothing to do with these data, then why should they actually know how many patients there are.
After all, there will be no closure, no matter what.
Compensation will not be given to businesses that are harmed and are already harmed.
Dismissed workers will sit at home without a livelihood.
And no one cares.
This is how it is when most government ministers conduct their private lives as if there is no corona.
Flying abroad as usual and attending parties and events like there is no tomorrow. Or needing a personal example.
RAAM with hand on the shelter
"Right-wing method," as parts of the political system call the six-seat governing party. What is the method? The way in which right-wing heads present reality is the opposite of what it is. And when it comes to complex events like managing the corona crisis, the electricity law or the conversion law, they also often succeed. In Corona, for example: the public recognizes the chaos, the loss of leadership and the helplessness, but when the Prime Minister convenes a press conference at eight in the evening, what comes out of his mouth are confident words that the crisis is being managed supremely.
The same is true of the Electricity Act approved in a final reading this week.
After all, there is no real way to define the law other than awarding a building crime.
And not just a construction crime, but one committed only by Arabs.
Jews who commit construction offenses will not be connected to electricity.
Some of the illegal Arab construction was created as a result of coercion.
Rifle as a result of national considerations.
The Arabs make sure that their construction anomalies are lateral and not vertical.
Taking over land is the goal, when no real estate motive is pushing them to do so.
The mission, once considered one of the foundations of the Zionist movement, of the Judaization of the Negev and the Galilee - when even a special government ministry was established at the time for this purpose and whose head was none other than Shimon Peres - became an illegal and immoral target.
For the Jews.
For the Arabs, this is the order of the hour.
They do not need a government office to take over land.
They perform in practice, on a huge scale.
And from today they will also receive electricity.
It's in reality.
In the right method everything is reversed.
Electricity law is good.
Not good, great.
Not only will it not award a prize for construction crime, but it will enrich the state coffers.
Those exceptions who want electricity, they say, will have to pay fees and taxes that they do not pay today, and therefore either prefer to use the pirated electricity they use today - so the law did not increase or decrease - or they prefer orderly electricity but full payment.
In general, they say on the right, this is not a new law, but an existing order that was passed during the Likud government, and has now become a law, that's all.
By law, indeed only an approved outline plan would grant the right to connect to electricity, but there is no reference to the future, to the encouragement of criminality, and to the fact that it is forced on the government by the PM and it must pass it.
Therefore, members of the right did not support a reservation intended to compare electricity with Arabs and electricity in the young settlement and outposts in Judea and Samaria.
The mayor of Rahat, Faiz Abu Sahiban, who also serves as chairman of the Negev Bedouin Localities Forum and one of the people closest to Mansour Abbas, was asked if in return for the electricity they, the Arabs, received, he was willing to swallow the frog of electricity for the young settlement in Judea and Samaria.
"By no means," he replied.
"We oppose settlement in all areas of occupation."
And until the state decides, families live there - they do not deserve regular electricity, at least like the Arabs in the illegal construction?
"No hand is given to regulate settlements of any kind," he replied.
So do you think the Electricity Law also has a national component?
Abu Sahiban did not deny it.
Druckman's Truth
The right-wing system is also working on the issue of the conversion law in the same March.
The starting point in the party is that the majority of the public is not familiar with the details anyway.
It can therefore be said that the law strengthens the status of the rabbinate, even though it harms it.
To declare that Rabbi Druckman supports even though he opposes.
And to say that the conversion will be done according to the halakhah and the Shulchan Aruch, even though it is not.
Ram's control of the government is absolute. The Islamic Party will soon strengthen its control even further when asked by the coalition to support Minister Matan Kahana's conversion law. To the A-Shura Council, to instruct her on how to proceed.
In other words, whoever decides how Jews can convert and join the people of Israel will be the religious council of the Islamic Movement.
And there is no one in the coalition who will knock on the table and shout that this is so far.
There is a limit to trolling.
One of the most important means for Kahana to continue to be public is Rabbi Chaim Druckman.
The elderly rabbi, but as clear as wine, is, against his will, at the heart of the campaign that Kahana is conducting to train the conversion creep he is leading.
Above all, on every stage and in every interview, Kahana emphasizes that Rabbi Druckman is an ardent supporter of the law and even a full partner in writing it.
Even after Druckman made it clear this week, in his voice and signature, that he strongly opposes the law - Kahana went on to explain that the rabbi actually supports.
Right method, well.
On Sunday, a day before his appearance at the Chief Rabbinical Council at her invitation, Rabbi Druckman received an up-to-date draft of the conversion law.
The rabbi was astonished.
In the wording presented to him by Minister Kahana's officials so far there has been no mention of the document he held in his hand.
He also supports the decentralization of powers for city rabbis, but does not even dream of allowing them to have equal status as chief rabbis.
The rabbi understood that Kahana was using it and making a round of it.
His clear position was stated the next day.
Kahana very much wanted the rabbi's opposition to become known to the public only at a much later stage.
When the law will already be almost a fait accompli.
But someone on the Chief Rabbinical Council made him a schoolboy this week when he decided to invite Druckman and seal him at the gate of many for opposing the law.
Kahana knows that the public knows very little about the subject of conversion and therefore allows himself to scatter words such as strengthening the rabbinate, conversion according to Halacha, and that the steering committee that oversees the conversions will consist of an equal composition between the rabbinate and the minister.
The reality of course could not be more opposite: the rabbinate will not only not be strengthened but it will be the first to be harmed, since from the moment the law is approved there will no longer be exclusive authority for state conversion.
Moreover, all the supervisory and control mechanisms of the rabbinate will be abolished with the approval of the law, because in the proposed wording the ability to cancel or disqualify a judge will be almost impossible in general, and impossible at all if the minister is not interested.
The steering committee does indeed appoint five people who ostensibly constitute an egalitarian composition: two representatives of the rabbinate, two representatives of the minister and an agreed chairman.
But a review of the law shows that decisions in the committee must be made unanimously.
That is, without the minister's representatives, it is not possible to advance an inch.
The current government seems stable, and the right-wing system, it seems, is here to stay.
Were we wrong?
Fixed!
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