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Trapped in the Palestinian Network Israel today

2022-01-21T13:55:59.897Z


Instead of accepting dreamy proposals presented to them, some Bedouin in the Negev adopt violence and a false Palestinian narrative • Surrender to civilian jihad in the south is a moral Zionist bankruptcy


What did Muna al-Kurd, the Palestinian celebrity from Sheikh Jarrah, look for last week among the Bedouin youth in the Negev?

(Report by Baruch Yedid, head of the Arab desk on Channel 14).

What about al-Kurd, an East Jerusalem Palestinian icon who is leading a worldwide delegitimization campaign against Israel and has 1.2 million followers on Instagram, and the young Bedouin diaspora with whom she spoke?


I was not present at these conversations, but there is no need for an overdeveloped imagination to guess what was planned. Al-Kurd's teaching is overt and famous. The young people of the Negev, many of them members of the second generation born in the Bedouin diaspora to Palestinian women from the Gaza Strip and southern Mount Hebron (women who married in polygamous marriages to Israeli citizens), probably heard from al-Kurd what many of them feel anyway: first of all we Palestinians, and only then - If at all, by virtue of our citizenship and place of residence - also Israelis; Not Arab-Israelis, but Arabs living in Israel.


While the talks with al-Kurd were closed, the steps of the High Monitoring Committee of Israeli Arabs are visible to all. The committee's chairman, former MK Muhammad Bracha - reinforced by the Ra'am members and the southern faction of the Islamic Movement and the leaders of the illegal northern faction - arrived in the village of al-Atrash on Saturday, January 1, about a week before the riots broke out there. It must now be protected, just like the cities involved - Jaffa, Haifa, Acre, Lod and Ramla (where Arabs rioted against Jews and their property last May) - is "an integral part of Palestine."


It is no wonder, then, that at that time, perhaps as a logical-prophetic continuation of the events of May, No. 7 of the Supreme Court, Atta Abu Madiam, explained that "the government is afraid of the tribal uprising, more than the party threats.


" The government did collapse. The government did fold and the dam was breached. Former MK Ibrahim Tsarzur, former chairman of the Islamic Movement's southern ("moderate") faction, a senior member of the Shura Council, called the Israeli security forces in the "Arab Negev": "Israeli Extermination Forces." Hussein al-Rafia's, Mansour Abbas' man on the ground, also deviated from the civilian terminology that Abbas tried to adhere to, sending "congratulations to Shabab and the heroic detainees" and even complimenting them as bringing "the victory."


"We will die on the land of the Negev"


Mansour Abbas 'colleagues, other senior members of the Negev in the Negev, rushed to court to support or express sympathy with some of the rioters' suspects. , And Walid Al-Huashla, spokesman for Ram.


Even in the northern stream they did not sit idly by.

The head of the faction, Sheikh Raed Salah, declared: "We will live on the land of the Negev and on the land of the Negev. We will build our house on the land of the Negev and bury our dead in the land of the Negev. We will not be expelled."

His deputy, Kamal Khatib, promised "not to abandon the Negev": "What was in '48 will not change today. The Negev is expensive and an integral part of Palestine."


In an interview with the Hamas newspaper, Khatib said that the Zionist plantings on Arab land were intended to disguise the remains of Palestinian villages that were destroyed in 1948, and even crowned the events in the Negev as a "continuation of the Nakba" (Michael Milstein report).

In Khatib's view, Israel has failed in its attempt to "cut off the industry from the race" - meaning the Arab public in Israel from the overall Palestinian struggle.


This sentence of a division, if you will, is the whole Torah on one foot.

Khatib and Salah and members of the southern faction and al-Kurd, as well as MK Ayman Odeh, who clarified that the story of the Negev is not just a matter of civil rights but "a bigger problem of the rights of the national collective" - ​​all want to Palestinianize the Bedouin struggle in the Negev.


According to Salah and Khatib and past and present Arab MKs, the story is "Palestine first" and Israel - if at all - then. Lod and Ramla, are the ones who preserve the right of return. "Khatib noted last May that the old men did go away," but they died only after teaching their sons that this is Palestine, "and bequeathed to them" key, Kushan, taboo and love of homeland. "


MK Iman Khatib (RAAM), who defines herself as "a Palestinian who holds an Israeli identity card," corresponds well with these things, and recently declared: "We are the Palestinian minority, we are the original landowners in this country."


Tempted by religious agents


Some of the Bedouin in the Negev have long been captured in the Palestinian network.

Others fall into this trap now.

Another part, significant and wide - not there yet.

The Bedouin in the Negev have suffered over the years from real hardship: violence and crime and protection;

Poverty, unemployment and lack of services and infrastructure;

Lack of roads and an orderly connection to water and electricity.


But precisely on the issue of land, the heart of the confrontation with them, the State of Israel initiated and offered the Bedouin a series of concrete solutions and proposals, set up committees and tried to reconcile, and compromise, and give up, and bridge, and understand, and restrain and contain.

It "got down on all fours" when it agreed in principle to recognize Bedouin ownership of about half of the disputed lands (although the courts rejected the Bedouin claims) and even compensate them for the other half, provided they released land for the benefit of other Bedouins, but to no avail.


Instead of taking with both hands the dream proposals presented to them, the Bedouin repeatedly join in the Palestinian refusal, and they too do not miss an opportunity to miss any opportunity.

Many of them are tempted by the agents of Palestinian religion and nationalism and the false narrative of the Nakba and dispossession.

Others are sucked into the emptiness and governmental and sovereign weakness that the state has been discovering in the Negev for decades.

They see them as an opportunity to bring Israel to its knees and strip it not only of its real estate assets, but also of its national and Zionist assets.


This is exactly the point in time when the State of Israel is also given the opportunity to make it clear to the Arab residents of the Negev, but especially to itself, that this is the Land of Israel, the land of ancestral covetousness and not Palestine;

To the Arabs, who came here only in the last centuries - "all the rights in the State of Israel, but they have no rights over the Land of Israel" (as the historian and second Minister of Education Prof. Ben Zion Dinur once put it).


The very negotiation of the Negev lands that the government is conducting with the anti-Zionist RAAM, a party that opposes the State of Israel as a Jewish state and that many of its people support "return" and supporters of terrorism - is a Zionist and moral bankruptcy.

Zionism is a return to Zion, to the homeland, and to taking root in its soil, also in the Negev.


Whoever shows laxity in the face of the civilian jihad of RAAM and its people, actually raises his hands and declares surrender - in stark contrast to the mandate given to him by the public. 

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Source: israelhayom

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