"Bibi told me, 'Because of you I lost the election'" |

Former Attorney General Weinstein speaks

Former Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein is releasing a new book, and as a professional boxer he does not spare knockouts: about the close relationship with Netanyahu that changed after he decided on an indictment in the dormitory affair and his opposition to Olmert's resignation

Sherry Makover-Belikov

26/03/2022

Saturday, 26 March 2022, 03:02 Updated: 08:32

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In the video: Mandelblit's speech at the event ending his term as Attorney General (Photo: GPO)

During his six years as Attorney General, one of the most powerful and complex positions in the State of Israel, Adv. Yehuda Weinstein made a series of dramatic decisions. One of them was in the Yoav Galant case. The opinion he submitted to former Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu The state not to appoint Galant as chief of staff.

Weinstein, a careful and calculated jurist, did not say so explicitly, nor did he announce that he would refuse to defend the appointment if a petition was filed against him, and still found himself trapped: on the one hand he understood that Galant's appointment would raise legal difficulties It is difficult for the prime minister and defense minister, who have insisted on the candidate.

"Bibi and Barak made great efforts to remove the evil of the decree," Weinstein recalled today.

"In a meeting with them in the courtyard of the Prime Minister's Residence on Balfour Street, Barak told me: 'Your journalistic friends are influencing you. They are the ones behind your decision.'"

"I said to Barak, 'This is the second time I're hearing these things from you. The first time I was deaf, the third time I will not be.'"

"Bibi asked, 'Would you like to go beating on the grass?', And then he turned to Barak and said to him, 'But I really do not suggest you try this.'"

It is not for nothing that the Prime Minister warned the Minister of Defense.

Weinstein is a professional boxer, formerly the Israeli boxing youth champion, who brought to the attorney general's arena the ability to snatch and strike, even if metaphorically.

And yet, even though he still plays the gauntlet against the former Ukrainian and European boxing champion, he does not miss the fights he has had to wage in the past in the Ministry of Justice.

Even private practice no longer appeals to him.

A dim glow.

The fervor with which he handled every case and hearing, the feverish preparations, the torturous interrogation and self-examination, all these he lost much of in their favor.

"A week ago I came to a meeting with the new legal adviser Gali in Rabbi Miara," he smiles.

"The people at the bureau were very happy for me. The director of the old bureau asked me if I missed them. I told her, I miss the people, for a much lesser position."

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Dramatic decisions.

Weinstein and Mandelblit (Photo: Paul Photographers, Amit Shabi)

Why?

"Because in the first place I did the job for practical reasons. The Attorney General's job is an offer that can not be refused, and I also thought the job would be fascinating, that I would enjoy it and even, as strange as it sounds, I could contribute to it. Do not exist at the same intensity. I have already conquered this summit, and to repeat things again is much less interesting.

"Although there is always the feeling that if I return to the post I can do it even better.

Only people I miss because I had such great helpers.

I do not want to hurt the Mishnah level for the Attorney General today, but for me the Mishnahs were at a very high level.

They could have screwed up at the top of the largest and best private law firms in Israel, and yet chose to work with the Attorney General.

I had a selected, outstanding collection.

"Former chief of staff Gabi Ashkenazi once told me, you are just as good as your aides are. That is a correct statement."

"I appoint an attorney general in his possession who has done his job faithfully, honestly and fairly. Former Supreme Court Justice Mishael Cheshin wrote in one of his rulings that the attorney general is a 'good man.' I believe a good man does good. "It was justified and an argument could also arise if there was a reasonable chance of conviction in this case. But there can be no argument about the very functioning of the prosecutor, because at the time the attorney general ordered the indictment, he acted honestly and fairly."

Mandelblit suffered savage attacks against him both from leftists who suspected he was doing good to Netanyahu and from Netanyahu people who suspected he was harming the former prime minister in his decisions.

"These attacks are lost whether they come from Netanyahu's people or from his enemies, and it turns out that there are many on both sides. I think the fact that the adviser is being attacked on both sides of the political fence indicates that he did his job faithfully."

"I think there is a bit of an exaggeration in the value of the experience. One of Napoleon's veteran generals once said to him, 'Listen to me, my own experience is great.' That she does not need advice. "

"The Counselor."

Weinstein (Photo: Noam Moskowitz)

Six years after finishing his job at the Justice Department, Weinstein returns to public discourse due to a new book he has written.

The "consultant", published by Yedioth Books, recently received the approval of the Ministerial Committee for Publications as required by a public servant who wants to include news that came to him by virtue of his position and provided that five years have passed since his tenure.

The committee apparently delayed its investigation due to the date of Mandelblit's retirement, in an attempt to delay printing the book until he left office.

But Mandelblit is just one of a host of key figures who starred in Weinstein's tumultuous and tumultuous period as attorney general.

The book provides a rare glimpse into the council's office and reveals the behind the scenes of some of the affair that has rocked the country in the past decade, including the Lieberman and Deri files, the investigation of former Prime Minister Sarah Netanyahu's wife, Harpaz's document and the council's personal and professional relationship with Netanyahu.

This is Weinstein's first book, and not as expected, the author refuses to get excited.

"I was much more excited when I was appointed attorney general, when I won the Israeli boxing championship and when the children and grandchildren were born," he says calmly.

Naturally, Netanyahu is the main character in Weinstein's book.

Not only because he was responsible for his appointment as adviser, but also because before that Weinstein represented Netanyahu as a private defense attorney.

The early acquaintance between the two had a positive and beneficial effect on the relationship between them during the public office and received much criticism.

Weinstein himself claims that it was his early acquaintance that helped him block anti-democratic legislation.

"The prime minister treated me with respect and seriously considered every request and proposal I submitted to him," Weinstein says.

"It is possible that the prime minister nurtured our friendship and responded to almost every lawsuit I filed because he was not innocent. He saw Prime Minister Ehud Olmert resign and be charged with crimes, and knew that Ariel Sharon and Ehud Barak were also involved in criminal suspicions. So if he, too, is required to be criminally investigated, it will be harder for me to act in a way that will harm him. The proximity to the prime minister I managed to prevent dangerous and harmful legislation. "

"Treat me with respect."

Netanyahu (Photo: Flash 90, Yonatan Zindel)

Weinstein's acquaintance with Netanyahu began in 1999, following the affair of the moving contractor Avner Amadi, followed by the affair of the gifts given to the prime minister and his wife.

Amadi allegedly carried out private works for the Netanyahu family, the account of which was submitted to the Prime Minister's Office only after Netanyahu was elected to head it.

The suspicion of an attempt to impose private expenses on the public coffers was later joined by the suspicion that Sarah Netanyahu tried to conceal gifts that were state property and turn them into her private property.

The investigation into the two cases lasted eight months, during which Weinstein represented the couple together with attorney Jacob Weinroth. "Bibi and Sarah were very charged and angry," Weinstein recalled.

Sarah was sharp and focused throughout the interrogation.

Despite her folly in matters of cleanliness and economy she is a very intelligent woman.

I always liked her. "

"He has a rare talent for gathering people around him who are not always the best. Weinroth used to say that even if Bibi were asked to bring a reinforcement player to Maccabi Tel Aviv, he would bring a black but short player. He was a talented, very attentive, very focused player. Humor that makes the best decisions in the circumstances of any matter.

"We had regular weekly work meetings, which were supposed to last about an hour but almost always lasted an hour and a half or two. I would get incessant reprimands from my bureau chief for not meeting my schedule. Netanyahu and I sat at a small table in the bureau corner with the long espresso served to us. The bureau would put on the table the Attorney General's miracle, a kind of small and beautiful pennant that I keep to this day. They would leave it when I arrived and remove it at the end of the meeting. "It will not be your glory on this road," or "I will in no way agree with this thing," so that he may accept my opinion.

"Immediately after I ordered the opening of the investigation into the dormitory affair, my good relations with the former prime minister changed for the worse. My decision greatly angered Netanyahu. "I explained to him that the suspicions against her must be investigated and that was the end of the conversation. Since then, we still continued to meet every week. The attorney general's pennant was placed on the corner table as usual, but the relationship between me and Netanyahu has become correct."

"At one of the meetings I asked the head of the Investigations and Intelligence Division, Superintendent Manny Yitzhaki, if he would be able to complete the investigation before the election. Yitzhaki replied that there was no chance. I asked him if they would not finish the investigation before the election." Even if all the Israeli police only deal with Sarah Netanyahu's case, I added and asked if the prime minister's wife's investigation would reveal things he did not know, and Yitzhaki replied in the negative. Therefore, I decided to postpone the investigation until after the election. The government. "

"I always liked her."

Sarah Netanyahu (Photo: Paul, Avshalom Shashoni)

Netanyahu was questioned immediately after the election, and an indictment was filed against her in another case, in which she admitted to a plea deal and was convicted.

Her husband was later questioned in other cases and an indictment was filed against him.

Although he recognizes a prime minister's right to serve despite indictments filed against him even pending a final verdict in his case, Weinstein finds it difficult to see a situation where the prime minister wears the defendants' bench during the day and at the same time handles state affairs.

"State affairs warrant full attention," he says.

"And there is a fear that the prime minister will economize his actions in the context of his trial. The image issue is not simple either. A prime minister who visits the court as one of the defendants is difficult to digest. I remember representing Religions Minister Aharon Abuhatzira in the Jerusalem District Court." "Calling the defendant an 'honorable minister.' It was not a playful play."

"At one of the meetings, the prime minister complimented me on my tie. I said thank you, but Netanyahu added that when you compliment a tie, it is customary for the recipient of the compliment to give the tie to the person who complimented him. I said, 'I will not break such a beautiful practice. "But the prime minister refused. He told me, 'I only spoke in praise of this practice, I did not ask beyond that.'"

When Weinstein first appeared before the public prosecutor's selection committee, he was asked why and why he wanted to serve in a high-ranking position.

Weinstein jokingly replied that he had no good answer to the question.

But the simple truth is that it is rare for jurists to refuse this position.

"An attorney general is a good forced job," Weinstein diagnoses.

"You make decisions on controversial issues, some of which are at the heart of a passionate and heated debate and you can never satisfy everyone. At best half the public will be angry with you and criticize you, and at worst it will be the majority response. I quickly found the task too difficult to reconcile "So I invested my energies in appeasing myself."

Indeed, Weinstein needed all the energies he was able to muster to deal with the affair that lay ahead of him, as he took on navigating the turbulent forces with sensitivity but also determination.

This is what he did in the Galant case.

At first things seemed to work out.

Police informed Weinstein that there was no connection between the Galant document and the candidates for the post of chief of staff. Weinstein was quick to update the prime minister and defense minister and immediately afterwards Barak announced Galant's appointment as chief of staff.

"We were miraculously saved."

Galant (Photo: Reuven Castro)

However, shortly afterwards, State Comptroller Micha Lindenstrauss received complaints about Galant's alleged illegal construction at his home in Moshav Amikam, following an investigation by Kalman Liebskind in Maariv.

"On Friday night I got a surprise phone call from Galant," Weinstein recalled.

"He asked to speak with me and voice his position and I agreed. Earlier this week he came to my office with a lawyer and they both presented me with arguments that did not convince me. I relied on the State Comptroller's findings and submitted an opinion to the government. If she is worthy of values. "

" After the government canceled his appointment, Galant was interviewed on all television channels and announced that he would be the next IDF chief of staff.

I remember Prime Minister Netanyahu calling me and saying, 'Have you seen Galant in the media?

We were miraculously saved. "

Another drama that unfolded in Attorney Weinstein's was the Harpaz affair, culminating in former chief of staff Gabi Ashkenazi and his aide Erez Wiener being involved in forging a document. According to the suspicion, he hid from Deputy Attorney General Weinstein the fact that he knows that the forged document is in the hands of the chief of staff.

Mandelblit is also suspected of leaking details of the investigation to the chief of staff and his aide.

"In the afternoon, Mandelblit called senior aides Raz Nazri and encouraged him to try to obtain the document from Channel 2 that revealed the affair, without reminding Nazri that the document was already in the hands of the chief of staff.

According to the evidence presented to me, even before this conversation, Mandelblit met with the chief of staff and heard about the document in his possession.

"For his version, he only found out about it in the late evening. But I thought that even if Mandelblit's version was correct and when he spoke to Raz he did not know that the document was with the chief of staff, even when the chief of staff revealed that the document was in his hands, he was in charge. The rule of law in the military is to order the chief of staff to hand over the document immediately and without delay to the police.

Instead, Mandelblit asked to 'sleep on it tonight'.

"For what? There is no room for discretion here other than his simple professional duty to order an urgent transfer of the document to the police and to update me on the document in person. I lodged a report on the Harpaz case and reported them to the Chief of Staff.

"I did not see a significant defect in his conduct."

Mandelblit (Photo: Government Press Office, David Weil)

If so, why did you recommend shelving the investigation file?

Nor did the police believe that Mandelblit's actions were tainted with breach of trust and obstruction of justice.

"Because the material of the investigation was examined by the State Attorney's Office, and the State Attorney presented me with a recommendation that, despite everything, the investigation file should be shelved. And

updated us.

"I did not see such a significant defect in his conduct to the point of filing an indictment, and I also took into account that it was not a criminal motive but a human weakness, because Mandelblit had no personal interest in the affair.

What motivated him was only the duty of loyalty to help the "chief of staff who got into trouble."

Another weighty decision that provoked a significant public debate was the closure of the investigation file against Avigdor Lieberman.

Lieberman supporters argued that the decision was dragged on for an unreasonable period of time and was made too late after causing injustice to Lieberman.

While Weinstein's opponents hinted that Lieberman had a hand in his appointment to the position of adviser and therefore his decision to close the case was tainted by a conflict of interest.

Despite the time that has passed, Weinstein finds it difficult to forgive these allusions.

"Lieberman had no contact with the members of the committee to select the adviser," he says.

"And in any case, he had no reason to speak in praise of me, because he did not know me at all. Some tried to claim that I closed the case because I wanted to please the prime minister, but that was also a false argument, because I know the relationship between Netanyahu and Lieberman and not sure I closed. The case pleased Balfour residents. I'm afraid they reacted the exact opposite. The only thing that guided me was the evidence before me. And stuttering. "

"He never hid his ambition to be appointed State Attorney."

Shai Nitzan (Photo: Shlomi Gabay)

A significant part of the Attorney General's role is to approve the appointment of senior civil servants.

At this level, too, Weinstein had to deal with media affair.

One of them was the attempt to appoint Yaakov Frenkel Governor of the Bank of Israel.

"Netanyahu offered him the job," says Weinstein. "Frenkel claimed that he hurried to the flight and therefore asked his friend to pay instead, and the friend forgot to do so. But when we started to check the story, something seemed wrong to me."

"The version was too detailed, Frenkel and the friend filed affidavits in a law firm, all of which puzzled me. I decided to check if the Hong Kong authorities had closed the case and at the same time summoned Frenkel to a meeting in my office.

The appointment of the State Attorney also involved pressure from home and abroad.

"Shai Nitzan never hid his ambition to be appointed to the position," Weinstein wrote in his book.

"He was the first to submit his candidacy and at the convening of the State Attorney's Selection Committee he was elected by a majority of votes. "I thanked the applicants but was amazed: if everyone stood to my right like a wall in shape, who exactly are those who want to thwart the appointment?"

In his book, Weinstein describes not only characters and appointments, but also moves in which he was involved, including attempts to close Channel 10. "Netanyahu was determined to close the channel," he says.

"I, on the other hand, thought that the closure of a media channel was not suitable for democracy and freedom of the press, certainly when it came to the election period.

"I have also been invited by Eva Madjibouz, chair of the Second Television and Radio Authority, Deputy Attorney General and myself.

Oh tried to persuade the prime minister not to close the channel, but Netanyahu was unwilling to listen.

He got angry and shouted and knocked on the table and when he left the room for a few minutes, Oh burst into tears and told me, talk to him, because you are the only one who can influence him.

Only you he listens.

When Netanyahu returned to the room, I told him that I would not give my hand to close the channel.

Netanyahu asked to speak to me in private.

When we were left alone in the room he told me 'because of you I lost the election today'.

I told him, 'With all due respect, look for another reason to blame her for your election loss.' "

"It remains sharp and clear, even during the interrogations."

Olmert (Photo: Flash 90, Yonatan Zindel)

Was there an event that particularly affected you in the role?

"The affair between Ronel Fischer and former District Attorney Ruth David. After Fischer's conduct was revealed, suspicions of bribery were also raised by Ruth David. I could describe. "

"There were many suspicions, but no evidence was found. People like to wave this case as proof of corruption in the prosecution as if she is sinning in preferential treatment to Ruth David because she is flesh and blood. This is utter nonsense. We put a lot of effort into the case to establish suspicions and unfortunately we did not succeed."

"When I was little, I was taught that people who have butter on their heads do not go out to sun. When I grew up and became attorney general, it became clear to me to my amazement that the Israeli public has the opposite situation: "To others it seems as if nothing has happened. Some of them are also becoming corruption burners on their own behalf. This is one of the strange things I learned in the six years I served as Attorney General."

Weinstein met with the Israeli public during its difficult hours long before he was appointed Attorney General.

As defense attorney at the top of the kindergarten, not only Netanyahu but also Aryeh Deri, whom he represented in the Bar-On-Hebron affair, and Olmert when he was forced to resign as prime minister due to the investigation into his case.

"Ehud Barak once asked me if I knew the difference between a mountain and a politician," Weinstein smiles.

"Mountain, the closer you get to it, the bigger it gets, the more political a politician it gets.

"I was very surprised to hear about the additional case. I hoped that the investigation would prove him innocent, but Deri admitted in court the tax offenses attributed to him in the indictment. I also had strong feelings in the case of Chief Rabbi Yonah Metzger. "When I was appointed counselor, I learned that he was a suspect in another bribery case. At first I did not believe what I heard."

After all, Metzger barely managed to get out of the first entanglement and he is already getting entangled again?

But then they played me a recording in which he talks to his assistant about bribery matters in a way that leaves no room for doubt.

We immediately opened an investigation, an indictment was filed against Metzger, he admitted to receiving bribes in the amount of NIS 5 million and was sent to three and a half years in prison. "

"I have no complaints about her."

Kreif (Photo: screenshot, Keshet 12)

בין נתניהו לדרעי היה לווינשטיין עוד לקוח בכיר - ראש הממשלה לשעבר אולמרט. "רוב הנאשמים שזכיתי להכיר, ביניהם שרים ונגידים, מאבדים את שיקול הדעת שעה שהם מוצאים את עצמם חשודים או נאשמים", כתב עליו. "לאדם אין אלא את שמו הטוב, ולפתע מציבים סימני שאלה גדולים על האינטגריטי, היושר וההגינות שלו, ולא זו בלבד אלא שחירותו מאוימת. קשה לאדם במצב כזה לארגן קוהרנטית את חשיבתו. יש נאשמים שתבונתם נעלמת ואחרים מאבדים את קור רוחם. אולמרט נמנה עם המיעוט שנותר חד ובהיר גם במהלך החקירות. על החלטתו להתפטר בשל החקירה שנפתחה נגדו שמעתי ברדיו. התקשרתי אליו ואמרתי לו שהוא עשה שגיאה חמורה.

"'אם היה מחסום בינך לבין הגשת כתב אישום', אמרתי לו, 'עכשיו עזרת בהסרתו'. אולמרט אמר שבנוסף להיותו אדם פרטי וחשוד, הוא גם ראש ממשלה שחייב לשקול שיקולים ציבוריים, וענייני המדינה קודמים לענייניו האישיים. 'לא מתקבל על הדעת שכל פעולה שאעשה תיבחן באספקלריה של חשוד ונאשם ויעלה החשש שאני פועל בענייני המדינה בחסות ענייני המשפטיים'. חשבתי בליבי שאולי גם העובדה שאהוד ברק דרש בתקיפות את התפטרותו של אולמרט עמדה מאחורי הדברים הנחרצים הללו. אמרתי לו, אני רואה אותך כחשוד ולא כראש ממשלה, השיקולים האחרים לא מעניינים אותי וההתפטרות שלך היא טעות. עד היום בכל פעם שאולמרט מדבר על ההחלטה שלו להתפטר, הוא מוסיף 'למגינת ליבו של עו"ד וינשטיין, שמאוד כעס עליי'".

לאולמרט בטן מלאה על הפרקליטות, לטענתו ההחלטות שקיבלה היו נגועות בשיקולים פוליטיים.
"זה לא נכון. אני עצמי מעולם לא ידעתי מה הדעות הפוליטיות של העוזרים שלי ושל המשנים ליועץ המשפטי. זה לא היה רלוונטי. הפרקליטות לא חסינה משגיאות. יש לה עומס תיקים גדול, כוח אדם קטן, ולפעמים גם טעויות בשיקול דעת. אבל שום דבר שם לא נעשה בזדון".

ובבתי המשפט? רבים תקפו את מערכת המשפט בטענה שהשופטים יושבים במגדל שן ולא תמיד מצליחים להגיע לחקר האמת.
"משפט זה לא מדע מדויק. הוא לא מתמטיקה ולפעמים התובע או הסנגור שוגים. גם השופט עלול לטעות. המשפט הוא כמו החיים עצמם, לא תמיד אפשר לדעת מה היו העובדות. לפעמים אפשר רק לשער אותן. לבית המשפט יש כלים מסוימים והוא גם עושה שימוש בניסיון ומיומנות, ועדיין לא תמיד הוא מצליח להגיע לחקר האמת. גם במערכת המשפט יש טעויות. אין לי ספק שחפים מפשע יושבים בכלא. אני לא אוהב את המצב הזה. מבחינתי, עדיף עשרה פושעים שיסתובבו חופשי מאדם אחד חף מפשע שנמק בכלא על לא עוול בכפו".

בשנים האחרונות מתנהלת מתקפה חריפה על מערכת המשפט. רק לאחרונה התבטא ח"כ דוד אמסלם בבוטות חריגה נגד נשיאת העליון אסתר חיות.
"אמסלם השמיע דברי הבל. לו אני חיות, לא הייתי טורח להגיב עליהם".

ופרשת אתי כרייף? ככה ממנים שופטים?
"אין לי טענות לכרייף. זו גברת ששמה לה למטרה להיות שופטת בישראל והיא חתרה ללא לאות להגשמת המטרה הזאת כשהיא איננה בוחלת באמצעים בדרך להגשמתה. זה בסדר מבחינתי. הטענה שלי היא אך ורק לוועדה למינוי שופטים. מעולם לא חשדתי שהחורים במסננת לסינון שופטים קטנים מדי. הם גדולים דיים כדי שיעברו דרכם שופטים משופטים שונים. במקרה של כרייף הבנתי שיש פעמים שהמסננת פשוט לא קיימת".

בשש השנים שחלפו מאז עזב את משרד המשפטים, עסק וינשטיין בפרקטיקה פרטית. עד לא מכבר העניק שירותי ייעוץ למדינות עולם שלישי כרואנדה וקזחסטן. הקורונה שיבשה את פעילותו הבינלאומית ועד שהדברים ישובו לתקנם הוא יועץ במשרד עורכי הדין דרור־מנצ'ל־וינשטיין, שעיסוקו ליטיגציה מסחרית, עבירות צווארון לבן ומשפט ציבורי, שבו שותפה גם בתו קארין.

"היא השותפה, היא החכמה ואני מסתובב סביבה", הוא מעיד על עצמו. בין לבין הוא כותב בעצלתיים ספר מקצועי על המשפט הפלילי, מהות, סדר דין וראיות, ומפליא את מכותיו באלוף האוקראיני במסגרת אימונים שבועית. הוא לא מתבונן לאחור, לא חי את העבר ומקפיד שלא להתערב בעבודתם של אלו שהחליפו אותו בתפקיד.

לפני כחמש שנים ארגן מנדלבליט כנס יועצים משפטיים ופרקליטי המדינה לדורותיהם. המנחה, המשנה ליועץ המשפטי דאז אבי ליכט, הציג למשתתפים שתי שאלות זהות: הראשונה, כצופה מהצד מה היית משנה היום בהתנהלותו של היועץ המשפטי, והשנייה, במבט לאחור, על מה אתה מתחרט ומה היית עושה אחרת.

"בשאלה השנייה השבתי שאני מכה על חטא בתיק ליברמן", אומר וינשטיין בגילוי לב. "לא בנושא המהותי, שבו הייתי חוזר ומקבל את אותה ההחלטה גם עכשיו, אלא על משך הזמן שנדרש לי כדי להגיע אליה, שגרמה לליברמן עינוי דין שלא לצורך. התמשכות הזמן הייתה תקלה לא פשוטה מצדי. אומנם היו לי נסיבות מקילות, אבל עצם העובדה שאני נדרש להן היא ההוכחה ששגיתי. לא לחצתי על הדוושה מספיק חזק. לפחות למדתי את הלקח בפרשות הבאות כמו ישראל ביתנו ותיק פואד. שם העמדתי את כולם בסד זמנים צפוף".

ומה השבת על השאלה הראשונה? איזו עצה היית נותן ליועץ המשפטי דאז מנדלבליט?

"I am a mediocre chess player, and at the time I was playing with a master who taught my daughter chess and had high hopes for her. Occasionally I also participated in the game, but when I sat in front of this master I realized I had no ability to face him. The level gaps were just big And when I sat as a bystander and he played with my daughter, I immediately became a master in my own eyes and immediately knew where he was going wrong, where he should move the queen and why the rider should not stand in one place or another. "Usually such advice is better not to be given than to be given."

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