In the first weekend of the Knesset session that resumed this week, no party in the political system has a real reason to smile.
In the coalition, the fateful voting days were successful with their hands on the top, but it seems that since the formation of the government, they have not had a lower week in public opinion than the current one.
The event in which an entire government sits and waits for the mouthpiece of the Islamic Movement's religious council, which is supposed to judge it for tribe or grace, and according to which it will rule in the Jewish state, is a groundbreaking event in the short history of the current government.
It was hard not to feel the humiliation that many in the public felt in the face of the event, including among government supporters, and rightly so.
It was an event that dropped some tokens.
The training of the hearts for a joint meeting with the Prime Minister began in the days of Benjamin Netanyahu as prime minister.
The members of the coalition that is forming against Netanyahu stormed his remarks as the origin of much loot.
It was no longer as shameful in their eyes as in the past to embrace an Arab MK and declare that there is nothing wrong with caring for the welfare of Israeli citizens in Arab councils and localities.
Those who refused to rely on an Arab party even at the cost of several consecutive elections, explained that this time, with RAAM, the situation is different and the Islamic movement in its new guise deserves to sit in a joint coalition. .
It lasted eight months.
After the recent Temple Mount events and security warming, Abbas published a long and scathing post in which he made it clear, for the first time, that with all due respect to civilian reforms, he also has al-Aqsa.
After months of silence on the political issue, he wrote in the same post that the "final solution," as he put it, is another Arab state alongside Israel, whose capital is Jerusalem and headed by al-Aqsa.
This statement was enough to drop the ground from all the arguments of the members of the right-wing parties in the coalition about the possibility of sitting with RAAM in the government, but what thundered was mainly their silence.
As in the parable of the frog that cooks slowly in a pot and does not notice the water boiling around it until it cooks slowly, so the coalition members have become accustomed to the current government and have a hard time sticking their heads out for a moment and noticing the real public storm unfolding around them.
They continue to recite like a scratched record that saved the country from the disaster of further elections and refuse to acknowledge that many believe they are the ones wreaking havoc on the country when they handed over the keys to the Shura Council and the Islamic Movement.
Repeated elections are indeed a constitutional disturbance, but a government without a majority and with dwindling support is also not an example of democracy at its best.
That will not build on the common.
Netanyahu, Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
Coalition chairman Boaz Toporovsky said that when he took office he spoke with 60 coalition members and saw in everyone a strong desire to continue together. He is probably right. And no one has any intention of abandoning him.
There are no red lines and no price is too high.
Even when Israel conducts a complex international campaign to stop the next blood libel, Muhammad a-Dura, with the killing of an al-Jazeera reporter in Jenin - apparently by local Arab rioters - and the IDF blaming, and also when a member of the UAV joins the plot, Cabinet members continue to fill their mouths with water.
God forbid he gets angry and leaves, and then Anna they come.
The momentum is gone
The other side also did not open champagne this week (at most they raised a glass together with the heads of all the factions - except Shas - who came to the Torah Judaism Yeshiva to celebrate Moshe Gafni's 70th birthday). The Knesset session will be resumed with a total disbandment of the coalition, which has meanwhile lost the majority, but the turnaround took place on Monday when the no-confidence vote, which was supposed to pass by a large majority following a boycott of the plenum, ended in a thin silence and a resounding opposition loss.
It soon became clear to Netanyahu and Yariv Levin that what they thought of the joint list did not hold water, and that the cooperation between it and the government was stronger than their initial assessment.
After the faltering start, the opposition thought that on Wednesday everything would turn around.
That the law for dissolving the Knesset will be passed in a preliminary reading and from there the snowball will roll.
That did not happen either.
RAAM announced that it had returned to full function to give the coalition another chance, and the common, they understood, could no longer be trusted, and the bill was rejected. .
Not only did everything go smoothly for the coalition, there were also quite a few losses.
On Monday, the day the government introduced government bills, the coalition was forced to bring to the Knesset's approval only three laws out of several dozen it had planned, after coordination with the Likud, which announced that it would support them.
On Wednesday, the day of private legislation, the opposition passed several laws despite opposition from the coalition.
But in spite of everything, the momentum that the opposition enjoyed on the eve of the end of the recess, was halted with the resumption of the session.
Camping in the Prime Minister's courtyard
After overthrowing the no-confidence motion with the joint assistance, Naftali Bennett and Yair Lapid rushed to launch a joint video to demonstrate unity.
Usually when politicians try to show that everything is fine, a sign that everything is fine.
So this time too.
Bennett's bureau looks at Lapid's moves with suspicion.
Although the latter is working to stabilize the coalition, and extend Bennett's term as prime minister, there is considerable concern among Prime Minister officials that the excessive publicity that accompanies his moves against the common is not intended to increase the coalition's fingers, but to cause shock among right-wing parties.
Lapid has repeatedly tried this week to reassure Prime Minister Bennett and make it clear to him that his moves are not directed against him, God forbid. But Bennett did not calm down. Will cooperate with the joint "To save the country from Netanyahu and Ben Gvir," the alternate prime minister entered Bennett's office in the Knesset, and tried to explain his moves to him again.
Bennett did not like the interview, he is not willing to cooperate with the joint and certainly not openly.
But Lapid doesn't really ask him.
If any of the right-wing members of the government retires because of this, he, Lapid, will become the de facto prime minister during the transitional government.
Even inside the Prime Minister's Office is not quiet.
Bennett spent a full two days in the Knesset, in a series of meetings and discussions, for the first time, without the presence of Political Adviser Shimrit Meir.
Since he began consulting with her - not only on political but also political and media issues - and more often than not also deciding as her position is sometimes stated in front of positions of other senior officials in the bureau, it has been difficult to calm the spirits in the prime minister’s office, which is actually divided into two camps.
Missed the opportunity?
Shaked, Photo: Gideon Markovich
One camp, headed by Chief of Staff Tal Gan Zvi, which also includes Communications Adviser Matan Sidi and Prime Minister Shalom Shlomo, and opposite them is Shimrit Meir Camp - to which to some extent also belongs the head of the National Security Council, Eyal Hulta. M aware of the tension but doing nothing.
This week, the conflict took a toll on Meir, with the leak being present at the Prime Minister's meeting with Communications Adviser Aharon Shaviv, which led to the movement's appeal to the quality of government for Meir to step down and engage in political matters in violation of the regulations. And the referral following it is a factor from Camp B.
Silman walks between the drops
The government has ten weeks to survive until the next recess, which will be significantly longer than the previous one.
While the disagreements at the top deal with the way of survival, with or without the common, and if so then whether openly or secretly, even in the opposition there are disagreements on how to conduct the campaign that will lead to the overthrow of the government.
Yariv Levin is convinced that defectors and retirees must continue to search with all their might.
Every day he and his envoys set out on a search and search for the next MK to change sides and bring about early elections or a right-wing government in the current Knesset. In any case, it will fall by itself soon. According to them, the public erosion they go through every day is so great that in a month or two nothing will be left of it.
There is also controversy over Ayelet Shaked's future.
While MKs like David Bitan are pushing to get her back to the Likud and negotiate with her to overthrow the government in exchange for armor, others are not at all willing to hear about the option.
In their opinion, Shaked missed the opportunity, and the government's survival the day after Silman is mainly due to her and the swift action she took to prevent the deterioration within the right.
She is the one who founded the Three faction within the right-wing faction, along with Avir Kara and Nir Orbach, who actually serves Bennett first and foremost and gives him the stability he needs.
Silman surprised her faction members when she arrived at the faction meeting, sat down and did not utter a word until it was over.
She does not want to be declared a retiree as they did to Shikli, but is also preparing for the possibility that this option will be realized.
She knows that in the first stage she will be removed from the large room next to the Prime Minister's Office in the Knesset, and in the second stage, depending on the manner in which she votes, she will also be replaced by the head of the health committee, Shirley Pinto.
The third stage is the most difficult for her, and is declaring her a retiree.
This move, if it occurs, will prevent it from running within an existing party such as the Likud or religious Zionism.
This week, Silman met with Shikli and agreed with him on cooperation, both in the Knesset and outside it.
Together, the two will try to find a third defector who will give a majority to the opposition, coordinate moves on issues of legislation and conduct with the coalition and the opposition, and at the same time examine the possibility of running together if and when Silman is also declared retired.
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