Senior public jurists were appalled that after MK Yitzhak Pindros' dream of blowing up the Supreme Court was revealed, Israeli society was not shocked.
According to all the recent books, from those of Justice Ministers Friedman and Ramon, through that of Prime Minister Olmert to that of Spokesman Weinstein, it seems that during Netanyahu's tenure he established with the "legal elite" the following division of labor: behind the scenes, In everything related to daily decisions (in the appointment of judges, in the policy of the Ministry of Justice, in legislation), Netanyahu left the legal elite full sovereignty.
This was confirmed in publications about his meetings with Aharon Barak, in which Barak clarified to him what the desired policy for the "system" was.
On the other hand, on the front of the stage, Netanyahu appeared as the first of the "jurists", as a detractor, as a slanderer, who portrays them as polluters of the public sphere and his enemies.
In his remarks he acted to deprive them of their legitimacy to man their chairs and win their salaries.
Seemingly, it was a win-win: the "jurists" thus won the appointments they coveted (advisers and attorneys "ours") and thwarted initiatives they did not want (such as splitting the ombudsman's office), and Netanyahu could maximize votes on the "Look how many they do not allow" card We have control. "Only in this division of labor did the legal brass fail and behave like the settlers on the eve of the disengagement plan: until the disengagement plan, the settlers thought in terms of" another dunam and another goat, "as if each settlement or outpost mattered. Meaning of settlement, if there is no envelope environment of discourse that will buy it consent or legitimacy.
The disengagement taught them that they were there alone in Gush Katif.
As soon as Ariel Sharon sold the disengagement to the public as a plan to separate Israel from the "Gaza swamp," the public expressed enormous support for it.
The fact that they were the "salt of the earth" did not help them.
Public opinion supported the program without blinking an eye.
Therefore, many of the settlers hurried after the disengagement to establish a variety of institutions (Ecclesiastes, Keren Tikva, etc.), which will not deal with the establishment of the settlements but with the creation of a dialogue space that will give the settlements legitimacy.
But Aharon Barak forgot this lesson: he sat with Netanyahu "morning-morning", and what worried him was to appoint another judge "from our forces" to the Magistrate's Court in Be'er Sheva, or another "our own" legal adviser to the Ministry of Agriculture, all while Netanyahu was busy "Evening-evening" in a campaign that made it clear to the masses that the "jurists", and especially the "supreme ones", are the ancestors of impurity, responsible for the destruction of the state, the enemies of the State of Israel.
It is doubtful whether Barak realized that "another appointment" and "another achievement" he would make from "Netanyahu of the Morning," his business partner, would not be relevant due to "Netanyahu of the Evening," which discussed his and his colleagues' fate in his public speeches.
The nonchalance with which Pindros' fantasy was received illustrated what a destructive checkmate "Aharon Barakim" and "Yehuda Weinstein" received from Netanyahu.
As the last activists, they took care of the immediate needs of their ship, which allowed Netanyahu to sink with them.
Were we wrong?
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