Patin Mula's name usually does not come up, presumably, at Friday dinners in the weekends' parliaments.
The Knesset member, who is ranked 29th on the Likud list, a representative of the Druze sector, is not one of the prominent names in his party or in the Knesset plenum.
He is not in last place on the list, May Golan in 30th place after him.
He is also not the most anonymous MK in the Mishkan, especially in the presence of the "Norwegian" Knesset members from the various coalition parties.
In the past week, Mula was briefly injured in the closed media space, when he appeared on several radio stations following the publication this week of the name of Lt. Col. Mahmoud Khir a-Din, a member of the Hurfish-born community, who fell in the secret operation in Khan Yunis in November 2018. Avigdor Lieberman to amend the Nationality Law for the Druze community.
But his name came up this week in another context.
Neither in his favor nor in his fault.
This was when one of the ultra-Orthodox representatives in the Knesset turned to Benjamin Netanyahu and Yariv Levin.
"What about a stuffed patin?" He asked them.
The two did not understand what he meant.
What about an ultra-Orthodox MK and a Druze representative on the Likud list? . Contact Netanyahu and Levin as soon as possible, and draw their attention to the scenario.
Mula has not negotiated with the coalition, and as far as is known he has no intention of supporting the budget or being appointed minister. His name is used only as a generic name. "As simple as getting off the list.
Levin and Netanyahu calmed their interlocutor and told him that there was no chance that the Likud would disband.
They said this with determination and confidence, but it is hard to say that the other side calmed down.
Of the ultra-Orthodox parties as well as in religious Zionism there will be no defectors, it is clear.
The government's efforts will, therefore, be directed to the joint list, but this will have a large public cost and it is not certain that all elements of the government will agree to it.
In addition, they will turn to individuals from the Likud whose future, in their estimation, is already behind them.
And the soldiers?
Wait
The feeling in the opposition is that the government has already fallen.
That it now operates only by the force of inertia.
That the glue that connected the various parties there has already faded, and it is only a matter of time before the overt collapse followed by a new government or elections.
The opposition does not overthrow the government, but the coalition overthrows itself, they say, and give some examples from this week's events, during which Ayelet Shaked attacked Yair Lapid over the Nationality Law, and Bnei Gantz and Naftali Bennett for taking credit from him in the war on terror, Lieberman and Gantz for his meetings with Abu Mazen, Michael Bitton, Merav Michaeli on the transportation reform, Yoaz Handel, Amar Bar-Lev on his policy, Eli Avidar on Shaked and Lapid on the defendant's laws, and more and more.
And all this in just one week.
In addition to these, in the absence of a majority, the Knesset is almost completely paralyzed.
Out of dozens of laws the government needs to pass to advance its policies, the coalition managed to pass individual laws this week and only with the consent of the opposition.
On Wednesday, the coalition voted for only seven laws, four of them by opposition MKs.
However, even in the opposition admit that in the end whoever is supposed to give up is who of the coalition members will despair of the situation, but it is not known if and when such a thing will happen, and especially if it will happen in the next session.
To expedite the process the opposition decided not to vote any more with the government, on any law, including popular laws like the "Dimensions for Education" law.
Let them not come to us with complaints, say the Likud, whoever formed a government with a prime minister who does not support the rights of the soldiers because it is an anti-Zionist party, can only blame himself.
The Likud has a heated debate over the law, and voting on it will give a moment of very significant test to the opposition, especially the Likud.
MKs like Yoav Galant, Avi Dichter, Yuval Steinitz and Gila Gamliel are strongly opposed to the automatic line of opposition led by Levin and Netanyahu, and believe that the law should be supported even if the government shortens the credit. If it is decided to oppose the law, and it is not at all certain that all its supporters will show up in the hall to vote against it.
Leaning or not leaning?
If the government manages to pass the next eight weeks and succeed in the summer session, the real battles will move to the budget issue.
The coalition's decision to pass the budget early, in Netanyahu's sophistication, will allow the government a long time to prepare and negotiate with anything that moves by March 2023.
The soldiers first of all.
Poet,
The clarification that will soon be issued to MK Idit Silman is that opposition to the budget will lead to her resignation from the right. Precisely after such a declaration, if any, Silman will be able to fully join the opposition, and the finger that is still given here and there to the government by her, will be taken forever.
After Silman, the coalition will try to find more partners.
The first priority is to retire from the Likud or ultra-Orthodox MKs. The last priority is MKs from the joint list.
The cooperation between the government and the joint list already exists in practice.
Not only Lapid, who explained in a wavy bristle that there is no problem in doing so, but also MKs from right-wing parties in the government admit that there is such a thing on legislation.
And what about their promise not to lean on the common?
Here they have a ready answer.
There is a difference between a government that relies on the common and cooperation on legislative issues.
This is acceptable, they say, and the Likud is also cooperating with the common legislative issue.
As for the budget, the matter is a little more complex.
Budget is the only law that if it does not pass the government falls.
Relying on the common for the approval of the budget is no longer a cooperation on the issue of legislation, but a real reliance - the same reliance that they promised not to allow.
The opposition is convinced that the real battle that now remains before the government disintegrates is between Lapid and Bennett, over the transitional prime minister.
That the two, along with the fact that they do not want the government to fall, have already internalized that the hourglass is actually running out.
This is also their explanation for the change in policy that Bennett has begun to pursue in recent days, of a renewed rapprochement with the right and its values.
On the right they say that there has indeed been a change.
They attribute this to three things that have happened recently: The wave of terror - Bennett has always been to the right of the defense establishment and demanded a more aggressive and decisive response, and so this time as well.
Although as prime minister he must back it up, but he would also like to spur it on to more aggressive actions.
The second event is the retirement of Shimrit Meir.
The latter did not come from the right, but Bennett's attentive ear - also on political and media issues - led him from the right to the center, to speeches in English on the "West Bank", to avoid friction with the bereaved families, and in general, they say, Meir prevented him from having an indirect meeting With his base audience, the one that boils over the very formation of the government, and has led him to disengage from them and look for another voter base, which has so far not been found.
The third "event" is the faction members.
Ayelet Shaked, Abir Kara and Nir Orbach also made it clear to Bennett that his silence on right-wing issues, and the fact that he allows Gantz to manage settlement issues in Judea and Samaria and Lapid to announce loudly that he is talking to the common - are unacceptable to them. And that even so the sitting in government with RAAM and the left makes it difficult for them.
The head of the faculty, Tal Gan-Zvi, encouraged Bennett to listen to the members of his faction and not to push them into a corner as he did with Idit Silman.
Shaked showed the message that she is serious and does not give up this week, when she clarified that she will not allow any change in the Basic Law of Nationality to be passed and will not allow the approval of the defendant's laws.
According to the coalition agreements regarding basic laws, the coalition parties have a right of veto.
Defendant's laws are also Basic Laws because they change the Basic Law of Government.
Eli Avidar, who was supposed to bring the defendant's laws to a vote next week at the expense of Yesh Atid's law quotas (since his faction, Yisrael Beiteinu, does not allow him his own quota), was forced to see Lapid fold before Shaked and not bring the laws to the Ministerial Committee for approval.
Avidar attacked Lapid and made it clear that he would raise the law anyway, using the quota of another party that supports the law, most likely the joint list.
If Lapid and the left-wing parties in the coalition oppose in accordance with coalition discipline, Avidar intends to campaign against them and accuse them of bringing about Netanyahu's return to prime minister.
Warning sign
Even a week after he was ousted, Yom Tov Kalfon was unable to contain the move made against him by Naftali Bennett and Matan Kahana, who did one hand to get him out of the Knesset.
Nothing in the decision works out for him.
The official explanation that the warrior Kahana enlisted in the trenches of the plenum in a sensitive political period, neither he nor anyone else really buys.
After all, he did not negotiate with the Likud.
A Norwegian MK knew that he was on probation, and that he should beware like wildfire of what appeared to be a defection or a march against the faction.
After all, if they demanded and Bennett surrendered to them, they would celebrate.
But the RAAM in general deny.
Kalfon was one of the government's eloquent spokesmen, and despite his right-wing views he had no difficulty getting on the air whenever necessary, defending the government and its leaders fiercely.
The reason for his dismissal probably does not directly concern him.
According to the political system, this may be a message to the next in line, Shirley Pinto, who was reportedly in talks with the Likud.
Another possibility attributes the dismissal of Kalfon to the battle of the prime minister of the transition between Bennett and Lapid.
Sources say that Lapid accused Bennett of approving or even ordering Kalfon to ascend the Temple Mount to push the Ram out. After Bennett denied the things, Lapid demanded that he prove it through his dismissal. Bennett, they said, obeyed. .
Were we wrong?
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