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Did not get the minimum | Israel today

2022-06-09T14:48:28.520Z


A landslide haunts a landslide, and in front of Bennett and Lapid's brides eyes - the list of rebels is growing longer • The minimum wage laws and the Judea and Samaria regulations were a purposive display of inability to control the coalition, Bennett to relinquish prime ministerial transition?


He sat alone in the center of the cabinet table in the Knesset plenum.

To his right, to his left and behind him, in the places where dozens of ministers and coalition members were supposed to be stationed at this moment, was completely abandoned.

Only Naftali Bennett, the prime minister, is with himself and his thoughts, waiting impatiently for a vote to come, after which he will be able to escape back to his room.

Opposite him, members of the opposition, beat him and sonat him, call out to him and there is no one to protect him.

Bennett smiles awkwardly, looks down and just waits for that shameful moment to pass.

But the peak of shame was still ahead of him.

Minutes later, the ballot paper showed the results: only four MKs opposed the minimum wage law. The prime minister and three others. The rest voted with the opposition or fled the hall.

Many in the political system have at this moment seen a reflection of the political situation in which the government finds itself, and especially of its leader: lonely, abandoned by those warned that they use it until it is no longer needed, but outwardly continues to smile and broadcast business as usual.

Amid the buzz and turmoil in which the coalition is currently following the series of losses in the Knesset and the growing number of rebels, a rather sharp message was sent to the prime minister's immediate entourage to announce immediately that he is relinquishing the prime ministerial post. According to the same message, it was Lapid who founded the government with his ten fingers, and so far, a year after its establishment, he has not gained anything from it.

The Lapid bureau denies that they are behind the firm message.

Their official version is that according to the coalition agreements whoever is supposed to be the prime minister of the transition is a torch if the one who overthrows the government comes from a new hope or from the right.

This is while Bennett is the one who remains prime minister during the transition period whether the government overthrows come from Mish Atid, Labor, Meretz or RAAM.

Those speakers, they say, probably did it on their own.

There are those around Bennett who doubt this.

Lapid himself did not talk about it with the prime minister, a source in the Bennett bureau said, but the message passed.

The truth is that the possibility cannot be ruled out that Torch, despite being the immediate suspect, is not the one behind this demand from Bennett.

In recent days, several elements in the coalition, from the left-wing parties that are members of it, are those who are interested in its continued existence and long for its stability, with hard feelings.

As if the fact that the government is falling is already clear, and now its leaders are waging fierce battles over the distribution of loot, that is, over the transitional prime minister.

Every time someone in Ramat Gan or Meretz flexes his muscles, Bennett's office breathes a sigh of relief, while when it comes to Gideon Saar or Idit Silman, champagne is opened at Yair Lapid. This is a delusional situation, they say. We fight trenches against the opposition, and they fight each other Trying to drop the responsibility on the other.

Reverse Assault, Reverse

On Wednesday, about an hour before the vote on raising the minimum wage, Lapid sat at the Knesset buffet and had a leisurely conversation with some of those present around his table, including MK Efrat Reitan from the Labor Party.

At one point, coalition chairman Boaz Toporovsky entered the buffet agitated, apologized to those present for the disturbance and informed Lapid that there was currently no majority in the coalition for the overthrow of the law. But Lapid said nothing, and did not bother to attend the vote, which took place shortly afterwards.

The last shooter inside the anti-tank vehicle was an assault. Unlike previous crises, led by partisans from various parties, this time it is a party leader and a senior government minister. , Need for fingers of opposition members.

The difference between these laws and the current one is that in the past the government knew how to unite against the opposition.

This time Saar chose to blame first and foremost his cabinet members.

When Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked asked to pass the Citizenship Law and found it difficult to obtain the necessary majority, she opened fire on the Likud and right-wing parties and demanded that they join government legislation.

When Bnei Gantz saw that there was no majority in his proposal "dimensions for studies" due to those elements in the coalition, which only the thought of IDF soldiers made them blossom all over, he and his government colleagues launched a major offensive against the Likud.

The honeymoon is over.

Lapid, Photo: Oren Ben Hakon

Not so did Saar.

When he saw that the approval of the Judea and Samaria regulations was facing a political difficulty, he summoned the media for a special statement and declared that the government was guilty. Edith Silman, who was careful not to vote against the government for fear of being expelled from her faction, was forced to announce that if her finger was the one to decide, she intended to vote against it.

On the other hand, Saar's announcement achieved the opposite effect: when the coalition majority was no longer guaranteed anyway, the RAAM preferred to obey the order of their conscience and be completely absent from the vote. They saw with their own eyes that their coalition was crumbling in front of their eyes and could do nothing to stop it.


In television interviews, it was clear that Saar did not know his soul. And thought he could bend it easily.

rotation?

You laughed at Bibi

When an entrepreneur stormed the crisis, he announced the raising of the law earlier than required and demanded sweeping coalition discipline.

This was at the height of the negotiations he conducted feverishly with Netanyahu, mediated by Yaakov Atrakchi.

Saar can deny this, but Atrakchi, despite being a Likud member, is very close to him, has conveyed messages to and from him, and will move (not physically as far as is known) between him and Netanyahu in recent weeks.

Saar thought that Netanyahu valued his situation as particularly benign.

A relatively functioning government, with considerable chances of succeeding in the summer session and with many more months in opposition.

If the negotiations between Netanyahu and Saar had reached its conclusion stages a month or two ago, Saar might have been right.

In the fall, Netanyahu received the final negative answer from Bnei Gantz, and the overthrow of the government seemed a distant event.

Today the situation is completely different.

If Gantz was offered to be prime minister without rotation, today the word rotation does not pass at all in the office of the head of the opposition.

He will not agree to share power with anyone, neither first nor last.

Saar demanded to remain justice minister.

Netanyahu refused.

He agreed to compromise on the case as long as he had a veto in legal matters.

Netanyahu also refused.

Saar could no longer return.

The coalition reached a boiling point because of him, and the escape route he planned to cross was suddenly blocked.

The difference is also noticeable in TV interviews.

Before the vote, he refused to say that he would not sit under Netanyahu.

It was during the negotiations with the Likud. In subsequent interviews, after the vote, he had already said so. It was after he realized that Netanyahu was smearing him.

Netanyahu understands that the days of the government are numbered.

And the more she survives, the greater his and the national camp's victory will be.

This internal collapse, in his estimation, is making the government more and more burdensome for the public.

If in the past it was stressful to end her days as quickly as possible, today the thinking is different.

For his part, the government can also survive the summer session.

She will not survive the winter session anyway.

For the next vote, on the appointment of Matan Kahana as Minister of Religions, everyone has already been recruited - but the law has not been passed again.

Silman first voted with the opposition, thwarting the appointment.

At that moment he also realized the storm that his wake-up call, if that was his intention, was not helpful and could not be helpful.

Even if the turnout is sweeping, there are only 60 MKs in the coalition. The opposition also has 60 opposite. Thus, it is impossible to pass laws. Signed the law, not only did they not heed the pleas of Bennett, Lapid and Lieberman, but were not at all willing to hear them.A complete unloading.

After the events in the Knesset, Nir Orbach and Ayelet Shaked arrived at the Prime Minister's Office.

Orbach was upset.

Shaked and Bennett tried to calm him down.

They decided to boycott the RAAM. They claimed that Lapid had been updated on this. It is doubtful that this was true.

The coalition will stand the test again next week when Gideon Saar once again brings the Judea and Samaria regulations to a vote. This time the test may be more fateful. Parts of the government depend on braking. Ghosts, and even Abbas himself.Everything is limp and vibrating.

Exhaust their power

In the back rows of the Knesset, the message was already well understood.

There is no government.

There is no coalition.

There is an election campaign.

Everyone goes back to bases, trying to reap as many achievements as possible until the fall of the government is official and complete.

While the party leaders run the campaign with a wink - Lieberman returns to attack the ultra-Orthodox, Bennett presents political achievements, Saar swings the Judea and Samaria regulations and Horowitz his achievements in the field of LGBT - the back benches are already dug into the battle positions.

Michael Bitton is attacking Merav Michaeli against the background of the reform of public transportation prices and is attracting the entire coalition, from the Minister of Finance to the Prime Minister.

Benny Ganz looks as if from the side and smiles with pleasure.

Michaeli herself granted freedom to her people by voting on the Minimum Wage Act.

It was two days after coalition members rejected without blinking the bill for a tribute day to Berl Katzenelson, minutes after approving a tribute day similar to Rabbi Kook.

And in the midst of all this, senior officials of the Prime Minister's Office continue to abandon. This week, it was Prime Minister Matan Sidi's spokesman.

All the announcements about the recent retirements hung their cause on personal motives and feelings of exhaustion, but the truth is of course far from it.

Shimrit Meir, the political adviser, left following the announcements about her participation in a political meeting at the Prime Minister's House together with the strategic adviser Aharon Shaviv and the movement's appeal to the quality of government against the illegality of the matter. It was so hard that Bennett did not even try to persuade her to stay.

Next in line was Tal Gan Zvi, who had difficulty restoring his trust in the USSR, who for many months chose Meir and not him. Sidi, who announced his departure this week, walked wearily and reluctantly. With Gan Zvi, they also brought him to the understanding that the business was over, until he got up and left. 

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Source: israelhayom

All news articles on 2022-06-09

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