Normalization is the main development of the last year.
Children grow up in an environment where hatred of totems and taboos against Netanyahu is normal.
Their parents still know why they hate, their sons are no longer interested.
It is normal for a small faction leader to be a prime minister.
It is normal for a Muslim faction whose members support the national struggle of the Palestinian enemy to strengthen the existence of the government.
The Zionist taboo was broken.
And yet normalization is not accepted in public.
One of the recent polls - which showed that the bloc of national camp parties currently in opposition has a majority of about 61 seats - reflects the reality.
The relevant parties are familiar with this data and this is really what the hands also show in internal surveys of some of the largest parties.
Moreover, Yair Lapid, who until recently had climbed in the polls to around 20 minus, returned to his natural size of 17 seats.
According to internal polls, the right-wing party led by Amichai Shikli passes the blocking percentage.
His name became a brand.
No wonder he is provoking a great deal of anger among the anti-right wing camp.
In a letter to Haaretz, the brother of one of the Jerusalem songwriters, the late Yosef Sarig, described Shikli's use of the poem in an article he published as a "scoundrel" act. At the time of the theft.
Another interesting statistic in internal polls is that Meretz, like Gideon Saar's new hope, may disappear from the map in the next election.
When does it pass the blocking percentage?
When the Arab representation within it is more prominent - say, two representatives of the sector in real places.
Gideon Saar does not have this privilege.
Even the plays that accompany any "fateful" vote, and these are piling up every day, are worrying.
After each vote - a quarrel between Knesset members.
Physical violence outright, especially between Jews and Arabs.
The accepted method is to pack failures in the cellophane of success.
Shelly Yachimovich states in a column of publicist commentary that the very survival of the government as a means of preventing the worst and the worst - justifies the continued existence of the coalition at all costs.
She claims that for Gideon Saar, the issue of "he will not sit down" is a "vow."
This is what is called the normalization of Netanyahu's overthrow.
When mortality in the plague returned at an alarming rate, the doctrine of the bride was introduced and especially: "There is and will not be a closure."
The great success.
When Jews were killed in the terrorist attack of recent months, the really important thing was the "intelligence success" in capturing one of the terrorists.
But the gap between these successes of the government and public opinion is growing.
This is the basic figure that promotes the end of the government.
Ultimately the government survives on the external support scaffolding - which are mostly opinion leaders and influencers.
The spirit of things is an apocalyptic prediction accompanied by implicit threats about who will unpack the package.
"Under the current circumstances, as I see them, Israel has a political prime minister, Yair Lapid; an economic prime minister, Avigdor Lieberman, who controls not only the Ministry of Finance but also the Knesset Finance Committee; and the defense prime minister is Chief of Staff Major General Aviv Kochavi." Former Ambassador Ron Drummer recently said in an interview with Ruthie Bloom on the new State of Tel Aviv website
.
It is not a matter of personality, but of a political reality within which he functions;
He will not be able to overcome the resistance of the army on any issue.
Extending the life expectancy of the government will not change that.
Only a strong government that is also coherent can do that.
"Israel has always had an unstable political system, but it has governments with a coherent policy."
This is not the fault of the method
Towards the end of Amit Segal's book, "The Story of Israeli Politics," he writes about the consequences of the events of the formation of the Bennett government: "The consequences may be far more dramatic than one might imagine. Fragments of factions, and that the prime minister will not be divided into three or even four parts. "Bennett - a tiny faction that is taking power thanks to political maneuvering - threatens to completely sever the connection between the will of the people and the identity of the prime minister. When Bennett offered himself for the post, ninety-five percent of the public chose not to elect him ..."
I envy people who think this is the "method."
I envy people who think it's all because we don't have a "tradition" yet.
The State of Israel has a political tradition.
She was broken.
The hard thought is that a problem that is deeper than methods of government has been exposed.
A tradition is built not only on certain solid foundations but on the introverted awe of public representatives from something great and sublime but also threatening, which might perhaps be called sovereignty.
See it in the royal shows that sometimes look ridiculous these days in the UK.
Yes, a small and annoying question.
Israel is a country, without a doubt.
But perhaps a country unique in that it is not sovereign.
It had sovereign authority that relied on the "party."
Mapai. When party hegemony collapsed, every institution in the country and then every Knesset member began to bite chunks of powers not theirs. The disease is spreading these days as the chief of staff's command authority is eroding.
Instead of deciding what is good for the functioning of a particular special unit, he thinks about how to look good in the eyes of the influencers of the media and the proper progressive ideology.
Uri Zohar;
Photo: Reuven Castro,
But he no longer decides.
The decision on the absorption of women in the rescue unit was transferred outside his command authority.
The women warriors would have done better if they had acted like the women of Ukraine.
These say in the spirit of the pioneers: Bring us guns, bring us horses or tanks, the women also want a hard life.
Those who want to fight at the front are fulfilling the tasks assigned to them and do not come to the army armed with lawyers.
Irrational hatred
Managing relationships with people from the other side of the barricade is essential these days.
Also to keep sanity, to realize that we are all human beings and sometimes it is not - as Eshkol said.
But also to track and identify processes;
So what do you learn?
For example, the hatred today on the left towards figures who are not on the left or who are clearly right-wing and some of whom support Netanyahu is at the level of hatred towards Netanyahu himself.
Names: Avishai Ben Haim.
He has contributed his share in a respectful and profound way, and some disagree with him in understanding the socio-historical background to today's politics.
But whoever eats from the hands of television and social media reacts reluctantly and wildly to his name.
The same goes for Yaakov Bardugo. His name evokes bile in media infusions. Or of "just not Bibi" you get irrational reflexes.Many people work in this profession.
Who does respond rationally to Netanyahu?
Arab intellectuals.
These deny the existence of a Jewish state and at the same time are able to value Netanyahu as a political figure on a rare level.
"The only leader in Israel-Palestine, in the Middle East in general, who deserves a book to write about. He has tremendous success. The most brilliant person who has been here for many years," said Prof. Assad Ghanem at a society and politics conference held at Haifa University three months ago.
"Arabs are coming to Israel from all over the region without offering anything to resolve the conflict."
It is worth listening to what Prof. Ghanem says about his Arab brothers, and he probably does not like Mansour Abbas very much: "This is a battered presence, this is a distorted identity. It expresses a deep crisis of Arab politics in Israel. Why celebrate RAAM in the media?
Because she gave hope to the left to return to power.
"Today the Arabs are strong," he continued.
"We have a strong middle class. We are taking over the health care system in the State of Israel. How can it be that after we have so much power, we have such a leader who says - I submit all this power for free."
The things he said probably did not please the founders of the New Israel Foundation, who take a patronizing position.
And the retiring president, David Myers, boasted that "they tried to hurt us but failed."
From Uri to Uri
There is a certain angle from which one can actually see some sequence in Jadek's personality, he is Uri Zohar.
A recording that I was exposed to only after his death, connects "Uri the Beautiful" with Uri the Haredi circular.
"Those who are within us, from the ruin and the destroyers, I know them," he spoke at a political conference years ago.
"They raised me for 40 years. For heresy in Judaism. For heresy in the Torah. To believe in Stalin Bar Minan, his name and memory will be erased. Israel against blacks, we thieves, do greed; they educated me that Stalin is right and these doctors are criminals .... with the same impudence they speak against us as they spoke against the Jewish doctors in Russia. They said the Jewish doctors in Russia are criminals! And Stalin Bar Minan He is the father of the world. "
Uri Zohar was a member of Hashomer Hatzair at the height of the Stalinist period, the 1940s and early 1950s.
It is a fact that even in his ultra-Orthodox days he remained eloquent on the Stalinist issue.
He speaks of "the father of the world" as a substitute for "all mercy has the sovereignty of its own world."
If he believed in Stalin and was severely beaten in the face of antisemitic reality, it is a devastating shock.
In the mid-1960s he was one of nine demonstrators in the Galilee.
It's about the far left without falling off the cliff.
Immediately after that, the depressing and crisis-ridden waiting period of '67.
Zohar raises morale in performances in front of soldiers.
Leftists, even the almost-extreme ones, loved Rabin, and his rise to the presidency as well as his opposition to the Agranat committee matched the feelings of the "camp" and made him identify with them.
Zohar was a member of an organization called "Rabin Supporters."
Lots of hopes hung over him.
But those who supported Rabin were forced to experience a character assassination campaign against him from the moment he became a candidate for prime minister following Golda's resignation in 1974.
He expressed his feelings towards the crowd, who once admired and once rioted and lost control, in his film "Big Eyes."
The mob near the lines at those basketball games is one of the heroes of the film.
The script was written by another Hashomer Hatzair student, Yaakov Shabtai, who was a year younger than Zohar.
Saturn wrote the setting of his ideological and cultural environment in "Memory of Things" which came out during the period when Uri Zohar repented.
People who wanted to mobilize in favor of Yitzhak Rabin after his political fall, said that they tried to recruit Uri Zohar for the activity.
"But he moved from ATR (citizens who support Rabin) to ATA - citizens who support God," Avi Koren wrote.
It was about a year after the IDF and the police killed six Arab rioters in the vicinity of Area Nine, under Rabin's leadership. Uri Zohar was the great myth of the world of entertainment and cinema in Israel. Nostalgia.This present is not yet fully understood.
Were we wrong?
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