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25 Years of Return | Interview with Jasper Tsang: It takes time for society to get out of the 19-year pain and resolve the premise to maintain national security

2022-06-12T23:09:08.876Z


In the early days of the handover, Jiang Enzhu, the then director of the Hong Kong branch of Xinhua News Agency (the predecessor of the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government) once described the "Hong Kong issue as a profound book". Hong Kong experienced ups and downs during the 25th anniversary of its return


In the early days of the handover, Jiang Enzhu, the then director of the Hong Kong branch of Xinhua News Agency (the predecessor of the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government) once described the "Hong Kong issue as a profound book".

Hong Kong has experienced ups and downs during the 25th anniversary of its return to the motherland. "Fifty years unchanged" has come to the mid-range station. What is the central reading of the book Hong Kong, and how should the public write this book?

"Hong Kong 01" talked about the changes in Hong Kong in the past 25 years with a number of political veterans from different backgrounds who witnessed the return.


Tsang Yok-sing, chairman of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong and former chairman of the Legislative Council, believes that after 25 years of development, the central government is now convinced that it has "understood" Hong Kong, which is why it has listed "one country, two systems" as a fundamental advantage of the country.

During this process, the turmoil of the amendment bill in 2019 undoubtedly prompted the central government to change its attitude towards Hong Kong, but this did not affect the central government's confidence in reading this book on Hong Kong.


He believes that Hong Kong society does need time to recover from the various pains left over from 2019, but frankly said that after the turmoil of the amendment bill, the political situation in Hong Kong has been upgraded to the level of national security, so national security issues must be dealt with first, until the central government believes that the SAR has the ability to maintain it on its own. After the national security, various social settlements related to the turmoil of the amendment bill, or the future of "One Country, Two Systems", etc. will be discussed by all people, and Hong Kong will "open a new chapter".


The 25th Anniversary of the Return - One of the exclusive interviews with political veterans


From self-consciousness, not necessarily understanding management, "new topic" to "national advantage"

As a long-time leader of the establishment faction, Tsang Yok-sing has always had the impression of being eloquent and eloquent, and turning around quickly, but when talking about the "book" of Hong Kong, he couldn't help but slow down and think carefully about the exact wording.

It seems that the content of the Hong Kong book is complicated even for him who has been in the political arena for many years.

Tsang Yok-shing pointed out that the central government officials in charge of the Hong Kong and Macau system have always changed their views on the "big book" of Hong Kong: "Is it difficult to read? This central government only knows it, so it is difficult for me to comment. All I can say is that after the handover In the early days, the central government's attitude towards Hong Kong was that it was best for Hong Kong people to manage Hong Kong affairs themselves. Some central officials even said that they did not know how to handle Hong Kong affairs at all, so they trusted Hong Kong people and Hong Kong affairs were managed by Hong Kong people themselves. Jiang Zemin, its leader, has publicly stated many times that he believes that Hong Kong people will manage Hong Kong well, and that central departments and local governments will not interfere in Hong Kong's affairs within the scope of Hong Kong's autonomy under the Basic Law."

When Hu Jintao took office as General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and President of the People's Republic of China, the central government's view on "One Country, Two Systems" began to change.

Tsang Yok-sing quoted in the report of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 16th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, saying that "maintaining the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong and Macau is a new issue for the Communist Party of China to govern the country under the new situation." "One Country, Two Systems" is a new topic; the 17th National Congress further expressed it as a "major topic": "The topic means 'to be'." He believes that to a certain extent, it reflects that in the early days of the handover, the central government did not yet have a percent understanding of the book on Hong Kong. A hundred confidence.

However, later the official did not continue the term "issue".

As of 2014, the State Council's "One Country, Two Systems" White Paper emphasized the central government's exercise of "comprehensive governance" over Hong Kong; by the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and President Xi Jinping officially included "one country, two systems" among the 14 basic principles of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In the strategy, it is regarded as one of the advantages of the country.

Tsang Yok-sing said, "This shows that the leaders of the country have confidence in 'one country, two systems'. At the beginning, they felt that they did not understand, but later they had full confidence. If the central government has not read and understood this book, how can they exercise full governance over Hong Kong? How can there be confidence in listing 'one country, two systems' as a fundamental advantage of the country? So now, it seems that the central government has significantly stronger confidence than in the past on how to handle the issue of Hong Kong."

Tsang Yuk became the chairman of the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of China and served as the chairman of the Legislative Council from 2008 to 2016.

(file picture)

The central government once bitterly expressed goodwill

When it comes to the specific policy towards Hong Kong, Tsang Yok-sing recalled that in the early days of the handover, the central government made many efforts to persuade Hong Kong's political circles to pass the political reform and gradually move towards universal suffrage. All the members of the Legislative Council went to Guangzhou to discuss (political reform) with mainland officials, and similar practices were followed in 2010 and 2015. Of course, in 2010, it was a fluke. Even if you are dissatisfied, you will take a step forward... Hong Kong has not made Article 23 legislation all the way, it failed in 2003, and the central government has not persecuted it until what happened after 2019. "

Therefore, the content of this "book" in Hong Kong is constantly evolving.

Jasper Tsang pointed out that, of course, the central government needs to have a deep understanding of Hong Kong's political situation and historical development to study what policies should be adopted for Hong Kong.

All citizens have seen the subsequent development: after the turmoil of the amendment bill in 2019, the central government's tolerance for Hong Kong has reached its limit. Within a year, the "Hong Kong National Security Law" has been implemented and the election system has been revised. policy”, Liu Zhaojia, vice-chairman of the National Association for Hong Kong and Macau Studies, even pointed out that Hong Kong is currently in the “purging” stage.

However, Tsang Yok-sing first considered the wording of "tightening" and asked what the purpose behind the two major measures of the central government was.

He pointed out that the central government's repeated efforts to enact the "National Security Law" and "improve the electoral system" were not "unreasonable" actions. "Do you think the central government will 'change it as soon as you wake up and suddenly want to change it'? Of course. No. Everyone understands that, as central officials said, there have been several incidents that have impacted "one country, two systems" since the handover, and of course the biggest one was in 2019. When the National People's Congress enacted the National Security Law in 2020, it was judged that Hong Kong had indeed endangered national security. I did not have the ability to legislate on my own, so I did this; seeing the results of the district council elections in 2019, the opposition forces in 2020 advocated "35+", which made the central government feel that according to the original electoral system, there is a real danger of subverting the regime, so it must be change."

▼The two major measures of the central government have changed the political landscape of Hong Kong▼


"Tightening" and "relaxing" are two sides of the same coin: there is always only one criterion for judgment

In the past two years, the society has been concerned about the collapse of civil society. Tsang Yok-sing first expressed his disapproval of the statement that "the central government has acted to cause the collapse of civil society", and asked the same question: what is the purpose behind the two major measures of the central government, and these forces that have dominated public opinion in Hong Kong in the past Whether the proposition and influence are beneficial or detrimental to the development of "one country, two systems".

Before 2019, these opposing forces did exist, but not enough to affect national security.

He also believes that arguing about a slogan, shouting for universal suffrage when running for election, whether the behavior of a certain group violated the National Security Law, why the government's attitude towards a certain group is different from before, etc. There is only one standard from beginning to end, that is, "whether the situation in Hong Kong meets the standard of endangering national security": "It is pointless to argue, the central government is very clear about which forces actually support the Basic Law and are loyal to the SAR. It is only a matter of political development and resources. There are different views on distribution, and they don’t touch the national security issue. What happened in 2019, everyone saw that the four crimes of the National Security Law were very targeted, and it was really happening at that time.”

Similarly, when a reporter asked under what conditions the central government has room to "relax" its policy towards Hong Kong again, Tsang Yok-sing thought it was two sides of the same coin: "The actions we have seen in the past two years are that the central government tries to solve the problem after it arises, and sees the emergence of Hong Kong. The situation endangering national security cannot be stopped only by the SAR government and the citizens of Hong Kong. When you say "relaxation", it will depend on whether the threat of endangering national security still exists? Do we Hong Kong ourselves have the ability to resist it?" Among them One of the manifestations is the legislation of Article 23 of the Basic Law. If the legislation can be successfully passed on its own, the central government will feel more at ease when it sees that Hong Kong can play a role in safeguarding national sovereignty and development interests.

"Otherwise, there will be another round of quarrels in society, demonstrations and protests. In the end, if it can't be done, it is difficult to reassure the central government, right? The policy on Hong Kong must be adjusted according to the actual situation."

Tsang Yok-sing pointed out that the Basic Law does need to keep pace with the times, but there is currently no atmosphere for discussion.

(file picture)

There is no room to talk about updating the Basic Law: society is still in the aftermath of 2019

If the "one country, two systems" is likened to a book, the content of the book must of course change with the times, release different "revisions", sum up experience and move forward into the future.

Jasper Tsang has said in the past that he hoped to set up a widely representative and officially recognized advisory committee based on the practice of the drafting of the Basic Law, so that the central government and Hong Kong people can discuss how Hong Kong will go after 2047.

The "Basic Law" promises to remain unchanged for 50 years is about to enter the "second half", but Tsang Yok-sing has a new view on this issue.

First of all, he believes that the "second half" statement is not very accurate. In the past two years, officials from the central government to the SAR have repeatedly stated that there will be no change after 50 years. Fifty years later, it will be "no need to change".

The second and more realistic point is that although the constitutional documents do need to keep pace with the times, when it comes to discussions on a territory-wide basis, there is absolutely no such atmosphere today, because of the various events that have occurred since 2019, the sequelae are still present. The entanglement of Hong Kong society does not necessarily refer to criminal acts that directly endanger national security, but that there is still an atmosphere of opposition in society.

"Some cases have not been concluded to this day... Another very simple example, in 2019, many 'Friends' originally started a group chat, but you canceled my friend, I canceled your friend, and now it's back to good No? No, everyone is still talking about the yellow camp and the blue camp now."

So Jasper Tsang pointed out with a smile that if he stood up foolishly today and wanted to discuss the Basic Law with everyone, I believe no one would be interested, "Hong Kong society must first solve the problems left over by the social unrest in 2019, before we can really use ( Chief Executive-designate) Li Jiachao's statement, go to "open a new chapter". Otherwise, if you say "open a new chapter" today, there will be cases in trial tomorrow, and there will be different opinions in the society. It is really difficult to have the atmosphere to do it (open a new chapter). )."

Unraveling 2019: It shouldn't be just for law enforcement

"Opening a new chapter" is a very broad topic, and when we talk about the turmoil in the amendment bill in 2019, I believe that terrible scenes will resurface again. Incidents such as demonstrators smashing bricks, setting fires, and attacking others are happening everywhere, which also affects national sovereignty. behavior appears.

The central and SAR governments have cracked down on the above-mentioned acts through stringent enforcement actions and the enactment of the National Security Law.

However, in the process, there have also been some highly controversial incidents involving the government and law enforcement agencies, such as the Yuen Long 7.21 attack, which has yet to get a fair answer, making it difficult for the public to trust the government again and becoming an obstacle to social unification.

However, Tsang Yok-sing believes that in order to dismantle the dead knot of the 2019 incident in the minds of the public, we must first clarify some of the most fundamental right and wrong: "During the entire process (of the amendment to the bill), did law enforcement officers have any areas that need to be improved? There must be. Is there something the government has not grasped accurately? There must be. But is it only focused on those issues? Some people say that an independent investigation committee will be established. Is the whole thing just a matter of the so-called 'indiscriminate violence by the police'?"

He hoped that when dismantling the various events that occurred in 2019, the society would not focus on certain events or a single group during the period. He pointed out that the whole turmoil over the amendment was under the influence of foreign forces, a campaign targeting the country's sovereignty over Hong Kong and "one country, two systems". The activity, officially referred to as the "color revolution," endangered national security, and a large number of violent incidents occurred during the period. Some people were indiscriminately tortured and wounded.

Therefore, Jasper Tsang pointed out that some politicians in the West called the demonstration wave in Hong Kong in 2019 a "peaceful and democratic movement", which is completely confusing.

The most distressed protesters tear up the Basic Law and smear the name of the country

Tsang Yok-sing specifically mentioned that the most distressing scene during the entire amendment turmoil was that after the protesters stormed the Legislative Council Chamber on the night of July 1, 2019, in addition to destroying facilities, they also did several very symbolic things : "What did they (demonstrators) do after they stormed into the Legislative Council? They tore up the Basic Law in front of the camera, not purely destructive, not tearing up an ordinary book. When they smeared the regional emblem in the parliamentary hall, only Smear the words "People's Republic of China" and then drape the Hong Kong British flag in front of the rostrum. What do they want? Obviously there is a strong message that they want to challenge the sovereignty of the People's Republic of China over Hong Kong."

Therefore, Jasper Tsang pointed out that the society must first recognize the cause and effect and the nature of the incident. When a situation that endangered national security occurred at that time, this most fundamental problem must be solved first, so that there will be room to examine the various things in the process.

"In the past, perhaps too much attention was paid to rights and no obligation to teach."

During the turmoil of the amendment, many of the demonstrators who committed the most excessive behavior, especially on the front lines, used violence and flouted national sovereignty. Many of them were young people. The society is concerned about whether this is a structural problem.

Tsang Yok-sing said that he would not "beat a boat with one penny". Many young people have a very clear awareness of abiding by the law. After all, only a small number of students participated in violent acts. In fact, most of the schools at that time were in normal classes.

He also believes that the vast majority of students do not think that the so-called "striving for ideals" can hurt people and set fires at will.

However, he believes that the society really needs to understand why some young people have such an attitude towards the country and the rule of law. Of course, education is one of the areas that needs to be reviewed, but it cannot just blame schools, individual teachers or a certain subject. It should be comprehensively reviewed. Especially in the early days since the handover, what message are the central government and the SAR government conveying to the younger generation who grew up during this period?

"In retrospect, what the TV and radio stations said at the time were all about the rights guaranteed by the Basic Law, such as freedom of entry and exit, freedom to choose occupations and study subjects, and more about freedom and rights, but few obligations were touched upon. Facts Lastly, in Chapter 3 of the Basic Law, "Basic Rights and Duties of Residents," there is only one article, saying that everyone has the obligation to abide by the law. The obligation to maintain national security has rarely been mentioned before."

Tsang Yok-sing pointed out that in recent years, the government has emphasized that "one country" is the foundation, but in the early days of the reunification, in the publicity and education, it did emphasize that the two systems are more than one country, and that it shows the difference between Hong Kong people and the mainland. Hope to fill it up in the future.

He believes that society needs to have a fair view of the younger generation, not all of which can be classified as "rebellious".

Interview︱Tsang Yok-sing: The addition of deputy secretary may not help the DAB's entry into the cabinet and the failure to share the ruling power Review 2021︱Hong Kong Politics: A Big Book Rewritten to Look at the Political Changes in Five Categories

Source: hk1

All news articles on 2022-06-12

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