Gustavo Petro has become the first left-wing president in the country's history.
He arrives hand in hand with Francia Márquez, the first black vice president.
The candidate of the Historical Pact was running for the third time to preside over a country always managed by the conservative elite, which has once again tried to stop his rise, but the desire for change has been greater.
Colombia enters a new political era.
Along the way, he has defeated the right and continuity, personified, in the first round, by Fico Gutiérrez.
If that were not enough, in the second round he faced Rodolfo Hernández, a real estate businessman with an aggressive discourse against corruption and the ruling political class.
He made rudeness and the elementary a capital of political sympathy.
Hernández arrived on a populist engine that seemed unstoppable.
Petro himself did not know how to face him during the first week of the second round.
In the end, his strategy was to focus on Hernandez and his shortcomings as an impulsive and aggressive man.
The result has proved him right.
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The campaign has been exhausting.
Petro against everyone, again.
Fico received the support of businessmen and traditional parties.
That was his strength and it ended up being his burden.
Continuity, the same as always, had been born dead.
Citizens demanded a change.
Petro represented him from the left, but sociology failed to interpret that discontent is not just a progressive issue.
Many of those unbelievers have supported Rodolfo Hernández.
Petro, suddenly, had to face someone whose engine of ascent was the same as his.
The politician, accustomed to going against it, had to modify his speech.
Faced with a man who is unaware of some of the basic functions of the State, who considers the entire bureaucracy a burden, Petro wanted to represent sensible change, not a leap into the void.
He started at a disadvantage at the start of the second round because Rodolfo jumped on the wave of novelty.
Everything that was beginning to be known about him was surprising and attractive.
He made a fortune valued at 100 million dollars from a small town, Piedecuesta, located in a corner of the country.
He won the mayoralty of the capital of his region, Bucaramaga, without the support of any party, only with his capital and the ideas of a younger philosopher brother.
The speech was simple:
the system was corrupted and he was going to do a clean, as if he were a character from Gotham.
Most of the works he did in the poor neighborhoods.
He installed synthetic soccer fields with giant screens and cable television so that the humblest could watch the World Cup matches.
When he left office in 2019, his popularity exceeded 80%.
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Now, Petro was facing this populist wave that has its roots in the same feeling of discontent with the establishment that made Donald Trump president in the United States, that led to Brexit, the 'no' to peace in the Colombian referendum and the rise of the extreme right in Europe.
After finishing off the options of his historical enemies, Petro had to face the historical moment.
The most difficult yet.
The first week of the campaign he looked defeated.
Hernández began to score above 50% in almost all the polls.
Petrophobia, the irrational fear of his coming to power and everything that smacks of the left, prevailed.
Hernández, on top of that, was a nice and innovative candidate.
That meant taking a closer look.
Videos of his outbursts began to circulate.
Sexist, homophobic and racist comments.
At first, seeing the polls, for part of his electorate they were not necessarily negative positions.
Fed up with political corruption, Hernández said in public what many thought in private.
The woman was not made to rule;
Venezuelan immigrants are factories for creating poor children.
A video in which he hits an opposition councilor went viral again.
In a television program he blasphemed against the virgin and that did cost him an upset: he has spent the last week visiting sanctuaries with a gesture of contrition.
The campaign started to drag on.
The videos that came out about the discussions of Petro's advisers gave him a break.
Those recordings did not include what Petro's advisers call a traumatic event: a clip in which he was seen saying something criminal or some serious outburst.
The images are of her advisers talking bluntly about how to destroy the image of his opponents.
She wasn't revealing anything that someone didn't imagine behind the scenes, but she did spread a cloak of suspicion about the campaign.
There Hernández tied the contest and both candidates went shoulder to shoulder last week.
The ghost debate arrived.
Petro, skillful in the discussion, wanted a face to face with Hernández to which it would give rise.
The strategists of the former mayor of Bucaramanga were not going to expose themselves to something like this: his candidate is sanguine and foul-mouthed and loses his composure easily.
A court in Bogotá ordered them to organize a face-to-face meeting.
Petro celebrated, Hernández hid.
That hit his image of a man thrown without fear of anything.
He popularized a meme in which he was seen hiding under the bed.
Thus, Petro faced the final stretch with an advantage.
"We won," announced his campaign manager at the close of the polls.
The count proved him right an hour later.
The polls showed Petro's final victory.
