Four prime ministers and seven defense ministers survived Abu Mazen during his 17 years as chairman of the Palestinian Authority, and another hand is outstretched, given the deep crisis facing the Israeli political system.
But this does not teach about the strength of Abu Mazen's status, or that of the authority he heads.
For years he has been a "present-absent ruler," whose real sphere of rule does not extend far beyond the Muqata (his seat) in Ramallah.
Abu Mazen was able to turn his weakness and his lack of relevance into what was happening on the ground, into a source of power.
After all, the Palestinian street does not rise or fall if it continues to sit on the chair of the PA, and therefore the Palestinians show indifference and indifference, and do not go out in droves against it. Balance in seeing it as "the least bad," and even a desirable partner in the effort to maintain the status quo in Judea and Samaria.
After all, Abu Mazen heads a multi-billion-dollar authority, some of which is lost along the way in the pockets of senior officials and close associates.
The PA's mechanisms employ tens of thousands who they and their families depend on for their survival.
Israel also knows that economic calm immediately translates into security calm, hence its interest not only in the PA's survival, but also in its prosperity.
But alongside Hamas and other rivals at home and abroad, Abu Mazen is also in the race with his advanced age.
The man is 86 years old, and is not in the health line.
For years he refrained from appointing an heir, so that it would not overshadow him and eventually oust him from office, and thus managed to keep the Palestinian leadership quiet.
But the years are doing their thing.
Abu Mazen's health condition gave the signal for the opening of the succession race.
Meanwhile, Hussein a-Sheikh, who was recently appointed secretary general of the PLO Executive Committee, is leading it.
He is also mentioned by the head of the Palestinian General Intelligence Service, Majed Faraj, as well as Mahmoud El-Alul, the deputy chairman of Fatah, and on the other hand it is worth mentioning our acquaintance from Gaza, Muhammad Dahlan, and Marwan Barghouti, who has been in an Israeli prison for years.
In the meantime, the Authority is taking care of the promotion of higher education in the territories under its control.
While in Israel, Arab students wave the PLO flags and shout "Blood and fire will redeem Palestine," the universities of Judea and Samaria treat the security forces of any student who dares to raise his voice against the leader. .
The students, as befits the younger generation, are held captive by Hamas slogans, and this is usually won in elections by many of the professional associations and student associations.
But that is exactly what the PA security mechanisms are for.
These even show their strength in the face of protests over the rising cost of living, which is also reaching the territories, in the form of "Arab Spring for the Poor" protests that have recently erupted in several cities in Judea and Samaria.
The situation of the Palestinians under Abu Mazen is very bad, but the fear among the Palestinian public is that it will be much worse after that.
Progress on the path of peace is not in question anyway, nor is it about the path to building a modern and reformed state.
But the fear is that the internal struggles between the competitors over Abu Mazen's legacy could lead to a loss of control and anarchy.
This is a scenario that should concern Israel as well.
But the truth must be told - Abu Mazen and his friends are not part of the solution, and certainly not the long-term solution to the complex reality prevailing in Judea and Samaria, but are part of the problem.
The key is not in Ramallah - neither by Abu Mazen, nor by whoever inherits it.
The key is in Jerusalem, in the hands of Israel.
But unfortunately, the latter refrains from thinking outside the box and looking for a permanent solution to this challenge, but prefers to continue shuffling in place and maintaining the existing one.
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