Bibi psychosis returns: there is no longer a righteous Likud that came out against the intention to destroy the rule of law

Likud MKs seeking to maintain a clean image are silent in the face of calls by their colleagues to destroy the rule of law. The defendant's bill is not personal - a government that serves the interests of a criminal defendant is personal. proper

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23/06/2022

Thursday, 23 June 2022, 01:05 Updated: 16:43

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The erupting text and the endless stream of insights about the additional election campaign that lands on us, make us forget again the simple truth, the easy explanation of why we are going to the polls again for the fifth time in three and a half years, why a country has become (like it or not) more And more right-wing is not simply led by the big right-wing party, the Likud party.

The answer is of course the national psychosis - Bibi psychosis.

The former ruling party has decided that it will die with the Philistines, and that it will in no way replace its leader accused of crimes, even if it means the loss of power.

There is no other explanation.

Steinitz, Dichter, Barkat and Edelstein are the real people responsible for this psychosis' takeover of Israeli politics (below is the explanation of why I actually dealt with them).

Netanyahu and Yariv Levin gather in the plenum, June 22, 2022 (Photo: Knesset Spokeswoman, Noam Moskowitz)

The automatic argument that will immediately arise against it is that the people are the ones who choose Netanyahu.

It is amazing that this nonsense is still being repeated, since during four election campaigns most of the people said that they were not interested in Netanyahu as prime minister.

Simply, otherwise we would not time and time again go to the polls.

All the Zionist coalition parties, with the exception of Meretz and Labor, had the potential to join the Likud government had the criminal accused not insisted on leading it.

"You will not determine for us who will head our party," the aligned MKs answer. A logical argument. To resolve this tangle, the change government was formed, which did not last because not all its members were committed in the first place to the principled opposition to sitting in government under a criminal defendant. ).

The coalition was late

Because of these things, how proper and correct was the bill to prevent a criminal defendant from serving as prime minister, and how much the coalition parties that have not passed the law over the past year have failed.

The argument that this is a personal law is ridiculous.

Not the law is personal, the government headed by a criminal defendant is personal.

A government that for an entire term (Netanyahu's last term), did not appoint a state attorney and commissioner, acted personally for a criminal defendant. A government that did not pass a budget to keep the defendant in power is a personal government.

We went to the polls four times because of Netanyahu's personal affairs. The law that was supposed to be passed was supposed to prevent this personality in the future. The first argument raised yesterday by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett was also a false one. Bennett wrote that "the right to be elected is a sacred one." The prime minister, who is responsible for one of the Knesset members, is the president.

On the other hand, if I were a Knesset member, I would now be voting against the defendant's law, when it comes up after the coalition leaders announced their intention to dissolve the Knesset.

You're late, gentlemen.

Starting the move now, after the announcement of the election, means changing the rules of the game after it has begun.

Such a move is illegitimate, and I would like to believe that the High Court will also think so if it is required to do so

. We saw the trailer for them yesterday in the bill of Knesset members David Amsalem and Mai Golan to crush the powers of the High Court.

These are not intimidations on the part of hysterical beauties - those who scatter these promises are members of the Likud Knesset.

More on Walla!

Bennett announced he would vote against defendant's law: "Do not change rules before election"

To the full article

A chain of anti-democratic legislation is expected.

MK May Golan, October 2021 (Photo: Reuven Castro)

After the former attorney general, Sharon Afek, was appointed deputy attorney general last week, Likud member Shlomo Krei promised to throw him home when the Likud came to power. This is not a person elected to a position of trust, but a tender. The party fundamentally shattered the system and manned Shlomo's staff in all law enforcement agencies. In the past, Netanyahu was far from those views, and halted all attempts to harm the court and the status of prosecuting and enforcement authorities. He also took pride in interviews. And for those around him, the most disturbing conspiratorial "dipstate" theories imaginable are spread, just like the ones being spread these days around the Donald Trump environment.

The end scenario of possible legislation by the government of a criminal defendant is the same move in question that will lead to the halting of his own trial.

Seemingly, this is a far-fetched scenario that I, too, in my intuition, find it hard to believe is possible.

The point is that all attempts to get some rejection of this idea by Likud MKs are in vain.

This week, for example, during a broadcast, we tried to get such a waiver from MK Yoav Galant, and we failed miserably.

A mapping of Likud MKs on the eve of the upcoming primaries reveals that most of them are significant Netanyahu soldiers, notwithstanding his absolute authority not only in the ideological positions (which have long been unclear), but in the messages he asks them to convey related to his personal affairs.

The ideological and personal are mixed in the Likud messages with a sticky and sickly mass.

In fact, the ideology of the Likud (Liberal Freedom Party - Sick - who would have believed) in 2022 is that they sewed a criminal case for Netanyahu.

This is madness.

Statistically at least, there should not be one single conscientious MK in such a large party who would say: "Mr. Netanyahu, you are a great leader, a huge statesman, a scholar with a tremendous vision, but your personal interests are not my own. That is, I should not speak publicly if a file "I have collapsed or not. It is not my job to stand in court behind you. It is not my job, Mr. Netanyahu, to express a position regarding the date of the directive meeting. With all due respect, Mr. Netanyahu, I was elected to the Knesset to serve the public"?

If he were such a Member of Knesset, he might as well have said to Netanyahu: "We can not fight a bitter war against the justice system just because you are accused of a crime, sir. That is, if we think it should be dismantled and put together another way, why not before "Why did you yourself deny any attempt to change the justice system during your many years in office before you became a criminal suspect?"

Silence is slime

None of us would have expected this imaginary MK to be Ohana, Qari, or Amsalem.

As mentioned, neither did any of the members of the Likud list.

After all, their careers are based on exposing "Netanyahu's persecution" in their words, sometimes it seems that they deal with it more than they deal with other public affairs.

There is really no argument with them.

It's a waste of time.

But what about the silent minority on the Likud list (yes, the Likud is a silent minority, not a silent majority)?

Take, for example, MK Yuval Steinitz.

In our dreams we could imagine him as that imaginary MK.

In practice, he is silent.

His silence does not make him more tearful, but on the contrary, a partner in this moral crime.

When asked about it in interviews he dismissed himself with words like: "You know, this is not my way, I do not speak like that".

Well, Steinitz, what we knew about you in the past is no longer relevant.

By not speaking out against these moves, you are giving them a hand.

By not publicly declaring that you will not lend a hand in stopping Netanyahu's trial, you are in fact a silent partner in this initiative.

What we have known about him in the past is irrelevant.

MK Yuval Steinitz (Photo: Flash 90, Hadas Porush)

Like Steinitz, the former head of the GSS, Avi Dichter, wants to be seen as a state official. He is not. In his silence, he lends a hand in crushing democracy.

Ben Gvir held summer camps for children in which he taught them how to deal with the evil GSS. Today, Dichter is Ben Gvir's silent partner in initiatives to destroy the rule of law

. The leadership of the Likud, but they both proved that their conscience is wrong. .

All four of them are trying to show the public a clean image, but their voices are silent in the face of the manifestations of bullying, incitement, and the declared initiatives of Likud Knesset members to shatter the law enforcement system and the Supreme Court.

These are four cowards, whose silence, as Jabotinsky wrote in the Betar anthem, is slime.

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