In 1964, almost a year after Ben-Gurion's retirement, a young 25-year-old writer, in an interview with Yedioth Ahronoth, harshly criticized the first prime minister and the two people identified with him, Shimon Peres and Moshe Dayan.
Yehuda Shalem, in his book "Oz LaTmura" about Amos Oz, quotes the surprising reaction of Levy Eshkol, Ben-Gurion's successor, who wrote a personal letter to the young writer.
He scolded him: "I was sorry to read some of the things you said ... I wonder if there is anyone who allows himself a tongue that you have taken regarding his family (the party) ... for contemptuous speech a very slippery and very dangerous way ... and Ben-Gurion is - in the last account - "Of the great men of Israel for his generations.
That is, even though Ben-Gurion has been attacking him all that year, and Eshkol begs, "Give me credit!"
Eshkol could have said to himself, here I won a witty poke among the young people of the settlement.
But he gives up the contemptuous condescension that today is surely the bon ton of the sages of the media and politics.
Who is the parable?
Lapid, the incoming prime minister, Bennett, maybe even Netanyahu himself?
One should be careful when making mistakes in the character of Yair Lapid.
Refers to the question of his military service.
The right was reminded this week of the same questions posed by TV personality Haim Etgar about four years ago to Lapid and did not receive an answer.
This created a ambiguity about the circumstances of Lapid's enlistment in the "camp" and his military service in general.
So what does it matter where someone has served?
In Israel, it matters.
Both in the essential aspect of combat service and in the aspect of the circumstances of non-combat service, as in the cases of Lapid or Ehud Olmert.
Morally, even if a person has not served in the IDF it should not be a factor, provided the reason is compelling.
Although all this is not fair - the story is important and essential.
A prime minister with a military background like Lapid does not stand on a solid moral footing in front of or against the defense establishment and especially senior IDF commanders. The Prime Minister is ultimately responsible for national security.
He must be able to confront senior members of the defense establishment, come up with a critical approach, and if necessary impose authority.
It could also be argued against Bennett;
But he certainly stood on solid moral ground because of the quality combat service, if he thought there was room to comment on senior IDF officials. If there was a weakness it stemmed from the shaky political base. So did Netanyahu, who could confront senior security officials without feeling morally inferior.
Lapid entered this Turkish bath of relations between the political echelon and the top of the IDF from a position of political and moral inferiority.
Fear of a political blow
"The Ideological Right."
The phrase is familiar from somewhere, but lately it has become more prominent.
Suddenly he demands reference.
He invites an analysis of the concept.
Because why not just "right"?
Why not a national or nationalist right?
In American terms this can be a conservative reactionary phenomenon of total resistance to abortion in one package with security separatism and ionism.
To me it reminds me of the old phrase, "the security guard."
Yossi Sarid was a "security activist."
Until it became increasingly clear that "securityist" was the most effective camouflage color for post-Zionists.
Today, the "ideological right" is a camouflage color of a set of positions that lacks only one thing: the national vision and the national interest.
The package includes the accumulation of grievances against Netanyahu over the Hebron agreement, the alleged continuity of the Oslo agreement;
And Khan al-Ahmar we said?
Anyone who knows those involved is like the years of Likud rule since 2009 have never been, and only the Wai agreement of 1998 still flashes and justifies support for left-wing prime ministers, such as Ehud Barak.
The Palestinians also testify that the Avraham agreements are the only game in the city, and therefore the "political process" of clinical death and all that - Netanyahu's work.
It seems that anti-Likud right-wingers are beginning to train their hearts for Lapid.
Basically, the "ideological right" is cooperating with the left in splitting the national bloc, which is the most important strategic fact and is inevitable in Israel.
This is what the ruling class wants, because Jewish nationalism threatens it, and not just on political questions.
National solidarity, and at the eastern heart of the Likud and Shas, is a socio-economic and security fact that may be circumvented, as we have seen, but no policy can be pursued without its power. That Netanyahu has diligently built over the years, not because of the prime ministers of the past year.
The fake "ideological right" is the main propaganda tool against the Likud.
More than the left led by Yair Lapid.
Many of his constituents say: "Bibist camp."
"This is Netanyahu's last chance."
In fact, they are partners in Lapid's internal boycott theory.
Their problem is similar to the problem of the anti-Zionist left: how to get the large, but not large enough, majority of the country's citizens who want the existence of the Jewish state to split to prevent Netanyahu from forming the coalition of national unity.
Yossi Sarid,
So who divides?
Whoever sweeps into his camp a force equal to about 65 seats and sometimes even 70 seats?
Or those who have around 40 seats but are affiliated with parties that deny the existence of the state, parties that are composed of a communist left in a contemporary style and Arab nationalist movements?
The historical problem is that when the moment comes when Benjamin Netanyahu actually retires and goes home, it is difficult to see who is the national leader who can keep the glue of the national bloc;
And the fear is that there will be a split that will allow the ruling class to do with the electorate as much as it pleases - including imposing on it a political blow in the style of no one from which it did not return.
Not a decibel problem
First of all the facts: Miri Regev, Dudi Amsalem, Amir Ohana and Galit Distel Atbrian are more intelligent and knowledgeable than Megdi Sukenik.
He's probably already cooking his "hat" along with the shoe.
I would like to see a legal and security confrontation between Sukenik and Amir Ohana.
Whether it is also permissible to state that the prejudices voiced by Sukenik this week are fundamentally racist, or that a silence demand of freedom of expression is flowing along the way.
Anti-Eastern racism has become the subject of a wave that infuses anti-right-wing propaganda into the public consciousness.
The statement was that "Likud elected officials are at a much lower level than those elected by Yesh Atid."
What do you mean?
"Low level of intelligence, of culture."
Are they less intelligent than representatives? Have a future?
"The average? Check the people. The tradition of screaming and verbal violence in the Knesset."
So this is not a problem of decibels, but of irrational assumptions at the roots of the leftist tradition.
In the book The Depletion of the Spirit in America, Alan Bloom writes that the left has a perception that those who are not left are mentally ill.
There is a deep belief in psychological therapeutic approaches to engineer the personalities of conservatives with a strong national consciousness.
It also exists in Israel through the method of meetings of Israeli and Palestinian youth, which was researched by Dr. Yifat Shasha Bitton.
But what appears to be an educational enterprise of sorrow for me and beauty for me and what is beautiful, is based on the oppressive practice against the citizens of the Soviet communist regime.
The phenomenon of sending opponents of the regime to a mental institution in the USSR was well known. Once he ceased to fit into the collective.
The right of the exceptionalists, the individualists, or perhaps the 'parasites' in Soviet terminology, is not equally guaranteed.
"In the West, criticism is rightly leveled at the fact that many of the individualists are occasionally sent, during legal proceedings, for psychiatric examinations. But one must understand the Soviet mentality, which sees the exceptional as deviant from the norm, whose collective solidarity is a hallmark."
If I understand correctly, it is either solidarity and subordination to the "mentality", or forward to the psychiatrist.
Doesn't this mention some disgusting legal proceedings that are currently underway in the Tel Aviv Magistrate's Court?
The modern religious
Naftali Bennett, who announced his temporary retirement from political life on Tuesday.
He is explicitly the senior representative of an elite that can be called the "modern religious."
The problem is that there is no correlation between the size of this elite group and public support for it.
To paraphrase the words of Prof. Yonatan Shapira, this is an elite without voters.
While Bennett announces his accomplishments in front of the twin microphones that bow to him twice a week, the legislative and economic chaos is raging around him.
His government was like a snowman.
It looks like a human, with a carrot nose, a pair of ear sticks, pine needle hairs.
But soon it will be the heat of July and August, and already in the heat of May and June this artificial doll has dissolved.
Instead of hearing Boogie Ya'alon's voice, going a long, short way, Bennett is an Israeli classic: shortcuts.
Bennett has recently sinned in apocalyptic statements.
70 years of sovereignty, perhaps 75, is the historical maximum of the Jews.
Civil war.
Divisions.
These are irresponsible speeches that a prime minister, even at the end of his term, is prevented from uttering.
When Moshe Dayan spoke about the fall of the Third Temple, the Syrians were not about fences but descending to Degania.
The hope is that retirement is also turning off devices and not doomsday interviews.
This is inflation, idiot
Within the outgoing government's balance sheet of achievements and failures, perhaps the biggest failure is the inflationary crisis in the economy.
The big curve is one of positive dynamics, which goes against the murky economic current in the world.
The causes are known.
Ukraine's war and rising energy, food and input prices.
But that really can not be accepted as an excuse.
What has happened in the past year within the framework that until recently seemed positive, is a heavy economic punishment for the general public.
Not all.
16.5 percent increase in housing prices.
About five percent annual inflation officially.
Who knows how much it actually is.
And in response, raising interest rates.
Homebuyers, especially young people, can no longer build on long-term mortgages.
Volatility creates insecurity.
But it is worth noting who in Israeli society is not only unharmed but that the heavy, crisis economic punishment does not penetrate his consciousness at all.
These are the components of the ruling class, the university faculty, especially the senior ones, who are employed as civil servants.
Officials of the State Clerk, the Administrative State.
The owners of the budgetary pensions, and this includes considerable sections of the IDF officer.
Those who suffer from the economic blow are mostly those outside the radius.
What characterizes the ruling class is that the Negev, the north, and east of Ramat Gan are not on their radar, and they have no national geographical, social and political perception.
Their space of reference is the space of comfort tangent to their class figures in Europe, England and America.
But does the settler elite also belong to them?
This seems to be the great social turning point of recent years.
The "ideological right" teaches the American conservative language in seminars, colleges and forums, where the main language is English.
This is the transition from the language of explosive devices to the post-Zionist conservative language.
They, too, are not affected by housing prices and rising prices at all.
Were we wrong?
Fixed!
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