In one sentence embedded in his retirement speech, a vague sentence, perhaps even deliberately ambiguous, Naftali Bennett admitted his failure: describing his awareness of the pain and disappointment of the "other half" of the people, and explaining that it is unnatural that "every half" can be in coalition , He added: "The two halves need to find a way to sit together."
That is, there was a different architecture.
Bennett did not want to retire.
By Wednesday afternoon he had further consulted with experts and strategists.
He hoped that one of them would present a different scenario regarding his political future.
But consensus prevailed: everyone showed him that his condition was as bad as that of a new hope, if not below it.
In most of the scenarios that have been rolled out, he has failed to get his right-wing leader into the Knesset.
Worse is the realization that it is no longer certain that the name "Bennett" adds anything to other parties;
He may still be a weightlifter.
Not sure there is anyone who would want to hook up with him.
Even a torch is better run when it is released from it.
Reasonable chance of substantial election,
Poisoned gift
The internalization of the bitter reality was difficult;
See it on his face during the speech.
Bennett enumerates what he repeatedly presents as his government's breathtaking achievements, and fails to reconcile the contradiction: how is it that with such a record he finds himself leaving the Prime Minister's Office, a little over a year before the deadline, dismantling his government, transferring power to "Brother" Lapid, and announces that from here he continues in only one direction - home.
Now is the time to move away, he says, and in Hebrew translation: I admit failure.
And it was a systemic failure on all fronts: in the coalition, in the government and in the party.
Even in his retirement, he failed: his entourage explains that he was still exploring ways to transfer her right to our trustee, Matan Kahana, but realized that he was in fact bound by agreements with Ayelet Shaked.
It was not his choice;
Here, too, his hopes for the rock of reality shattered.
So now right into the hands of Shaked, freed from Bennett's rescue.
This is called a poisoned gift.
She is ostensibly free to navigate her right, if she wishes, back to the right-wing bloc.
This is indeed the direction she is aiming for.
The premise is that Matan Kahana will retire, and Silman and Orbach will remain by her side.
With them one might try to rehabilitate something.
Shaked is already checking possible names.
Explorations have begun with potential candidates who are not suspected of being anti-Bibi.
Maybe even the opposite.
This is a clear signal that points in the right direction: Shaked's face the Netanyahu bloc, and she will make sure that her right in her leadership is in no way identified as a match of new hope.
The question is: does it have electoral weight for the right-wing bloc voter, or is it also, like Bennett, an electoral asset or a stumbling block on the way to the polls?
There is a high probability that as we get closer to the election, she will realize that in at least one thing she should have caused an event and finally overtook Bennett: she should have resigned before him.
She can still, somehow, return to the field after a purge break.
At the moment it is too identified with the failed venture of the change government.
It's better for her to go on vacation.
Shaked, Photo: Oren Ben Hakon
And perhaps even worse: it is perceived as a danger to the two halves of the nation that Bennett spoke of.
Whoever does not want Netanyahu - will not take a risk with her;
Those who want a right-wing national government - all the more so will be wary of it.
In the role of the responsible adult
Ironically, it is precisely the violation of the wholesale promises of the members of the outgoing coalition, the change of values and the sudden ideological upheaval - they are the ones that may impose a little essence on the upcoming election campaign.
The masks fell off, the makeup peeled off, and the public got tired of the fake.
In the bloc of change, they will no longer be able to dance a dull dance with the possibility of turning the members of the joint list - who support Israel's greatest enemies as Nasrallah, embrace Jewish murderers and feel empathy for the rhythm from Damascus - into coalition members, and perhaps even government partners.
The meaning is clear: the deep struggle is over the Jewish identity of the State of Israel.
This is the struggle between those who are willing to break the national taboo, those who have no problem with the deniers of the Jewish state putting their hand on the wheel, and those who have not yet lost the national compass.
Provisional Prime Minister Lapid will no longer be able, and should not, conduct deals with the common from the dark, while enjoying the covert support of state figures such as Gideon Saar and his soldiers Hauser and Handel.
Everything is outside and everything is visible;
And it is possible that both Lieberman and the ruins of the right will agree to live in such a reality.
When the line is crossed - it is crossed.
Lapid has relied on all his election campaigns so far to ensure an imaginary utopia for Israelis.
But a government of 18 ministers has not been and will not be, the distribution of jobs to associates and family members has become the norm, and promises of unity do not reconcile with the Dark Forces campaign.
He is now expected to embark on a campaign of intimidation, accusing all his opponents - and by implication, anyone who does not vote for him or the bloc's parties - of insanity, with malicious intent to destroy democracy.
The message will be: A good state for all its citizens without Bibi - from a Jewish state with Bibi.
Sprinkle over it a little Smutrich and Ben Gvir one for three sentences.
On the other side of the road, a new direction is emerging: the opposition chairman shot a reconciled video this week, in which he promised to be everyone's prime minister. .
Netanyahu's overarching task is to bring to the ballot box the hundreds of thousands of national camp voters left in the previous rounds at home.
At the level of content, Netanyahu - and the right-wing bloc - enjoy a comfortable position.
The campaigns will detail national honor, which many feel has been trampled under the change government.
Deciding on Israeli elections is always fateful and dramatic.
In the absence of the ability to mislead voters about the composition of the next coalition - because it is impossible to sign promises twice in the studios - there is a chance that this time the election will genuinely address core issues, especially the future of the Jewish state, its character and symbols.
Were we wrong?
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