The imminent entry into the arena of Chief of Staff Gadi Izenkot teaches a lot about the mental state of our politics, much more to the taste of the exhausting sunset saga of the change government.
Center-left parties in a courtship attack after him.
A former chief of staff, another former chief of staff, is an asset.
Bar-Lev called him to join the work;
Michaeli was meant for him.
It is reported that the Trooper Corps also has a white brush.
Saar has had contacts with him in the past;
There are bets that he is on his way to a future.
The right half of the people love generals.
At least that's how it is commonly thought.
Militarism is attached to our politics and refuses to let go of it.
Parties with the pretension to save democracy lay red carpets in front of admirals;
That is, for adults, the entire trajectory of their professional and organizational socialization — from age 18 to retirement — was limited to a total, hierarchical organization, with the expectation of fulfilling orders.
It met us this year in its most infantile form with Minister Yoaz Handel.
"The dodgers and religious clerks explain to me how to fight for the state," he tweeted angrily in one of his amusing fights with members of religious Zionism, who apparently know how to tickle him in the right places. "Patriots of tweets," he continued. As a blue-and-white speaker commanded us at the time, "Salute and shut up, you brats."
Testosterone sweat.
Bnei Gantz and Gadi Izenkot at the chief of staff exchange ceremony, Photo: Dudi Vaknin
The cult of the establishment
But it's not just simplistic militarism, testosterone sweat is dripping on Finjan in the middle of the Israel Trail.
This is the package that accompanies it in the form of worship of the establishments.
In the end, this is what Benny Ganz, for example, symbolizes most of all in Israeli politics.
Despite his lofty ranks, he is not enveloped, at least not in his public image, in the aura and heroic plots of the kind that hovered as a myth over the heads of Avigdor Kahalani, Arik Sharon, and even Ehud Barak.
Our defense minister is a man of institutional mindset.
No wonder his most daring political statement ever was his call to return the strategic debate on the Iranian nuclear "to the closed rooms."
From the moment he entered politics until today, we have not heard from him one decisive, clear statement, about the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, about social gaps in Israel, about economic philosophy, about religion and state relations.
We have no idea what his views are, and it is not only related to the magic word "center", which allows, under the auspices of Lapidist populism, to evade the necessity to take a position that someone might not like.
The answer to all problems is always derived from one question: what is the interest of the establishment.
The only times we could see in his eyes a glimmer of IDF determination were in the class war to upgrade the pensions of senior members of the defense establishment and in the wild political takeover of IDF waves.
In both cases he received chaplains on the shoulder from the guys, who understood that critical actions had been taken here to preserve the class privileges of the establishment.
It was supposed to hurt a lot in the stomach of any Democrat with social sensitivity;
But our center-left parties are currently longing for this thing and want more of it.
That says a lot about them.
Do not jump on Izenkot's Tinder.
Zeev Fortress (Archive), Photo: Gideon Markovich
The spirit of the revolt at Wolf Fortress
And here, there is only one party that does not jump as a potential match on Gadi Izenkot's Tinder, and that is the Likud of course.
Perhaps it is no wonder that it is not a favorite destination for occupation among the good guys.
This is largely due to the fact that in Wolf Fortress it may be possible to get armor for the first time, but then one has to endure hassles in this oppressive internship called partisan democracy.
And chiefs of staff do not like to be dependent on the underlings below them.
They do not go down to the people;
They make a pilgrimage and enter with a tense footstool.
But it has a lot more to do with the Likud spirit that just doesn't particularly like to "shut up and salute."
The Likud is the negative of having a future and blue and white;
House of Commons of the Cheeky.
It is almost magical to discover time and time again how much the Israeli right-wing flagship party, the one accused of Erdoganism on the one hand or jealous conservatism on the other, is the leading anti-establishment factor today in the Knesset of Israel and in the political field.
The only political spirit that is willing to ventilate the dried greenhouses of hegemony.
For years, Netanyahu led an antagonistic line to the message pages of the Israeli security establishment, dared to rebel against his authority and challenge the frozen conceptions he dictated, and eventually also freed Israel from its binding doctrines.
It is not for nothing that the former members of the defense establishment mark Netanyahu as a danger to Israel and stand in line to be photographed in an aggressive pose and interviewed against him before each election campaign;
He is an unbearable dissident for them.
Not just confidence.
The systems of law, academia, diplomacy, culture, the media: the Likud faces the centers of power based on a constant position of defiance;
A principled, consistent, ongoing conflict, with an explicit call to change their DNA, to reformulate their causes of existence, to open them up to democratization processes.
To these counts, Yair Lapid promised some peace.
The arbitrary respect for the establishments, which ultimately represent and serve groups with class interests and a desire to preserve their advantage, is mistakenly referred to by us as "statehood."
Hence the false convention that the Likud is "not state";
A linguistic alternative to an ongoing movement commitment to changing the structure of power in Israeli society.
Less than an establishment - more civilian power.
Izenkot, I am willing to bet, has no particularly significant controversy with Netanyahu's political-security views, but he will lose all his institutional capital if he only squints in the direction of the Likud.
Woe to him if he sees in the company of those who are unwilling to stand still, shut up and salute.
In many ways, this is a certificate of honor for the Likud.
Were we wrong?
Fixed!
If you found an error in the article, we would love for you to share it with us
