Twenty years ago, in November 2002, Zhu Rongji, then the Chinese Premier of the State Council, paid a three-day inspection visit to Hong Kong. During this period, Zhu Rongji attended a welcome dinner held by the SAR government and delivered a speech at the dinner.
Although it has been 20 years since the speech, people still find it out from time to time. On the one hand, it is sincere and touching. Zhu Rongjixing recited the lyrics of "Under the Lion Rock" and finally shouted "I love Hong Kong." ”, on the other hand, it stems from its way of facing the problem head-on, not only taking the pulse of the Hong Kong problem, but also giving confidence to Hong Kong, which has just experienced the financial crisis.
This year marks the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland. On the anniversary just past, President Xi Jinping came to Hong Kong again after a five-year lapse. Through a series of activities and important speeches, he gave confidence to Hong Kong, which has experienced successive shocks, and spoke to Hong Kong people and the international community in general. Concerned about the sustainability of "One Country, Two Systems", a new political commitment has been given,
""One Country, Two Systems" has been repeatedly tested in practice and is in line with the fundamental interests of the country and the nation, as well as the fundamental interests of Hong Kong and Macau, and has won the full support of more than 1.4 billion people of the motherland. , has been unanimously supported by the residents of Hong Kong and Macau, and has also been generally approved by the international community. There is no reason to change such a good system, and it must be adhered to for a long time!”
In the mid-term when "One Country, Two Systems" stipulated in the Basic Law will remain unchanged for 50 years, and when Beijing has made a long-term political commitment to "One Country, Two Systems", revisiting Zhu Rongji's speech in Hong Kong 20 years ago still has implications for Hong Kong today. .
As the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong's return to the motherland approaches, the streets of Hong Kong have also entered a "celebration" mode. The picture shows the "Sea of Flags" in Tsim Sha Tsui.
(Hong Kong 01)
For example, when talking about whether there are good policies to govern Hong Kong, Zhu Rongji told a story - "I remember that in 1998, Vice President Al Gore of the Clinton administration of the United States (in fact, he had been to Hong Kong recently), he met me and he said: "I heard that you admire Mr. Greenspan very much." I listened, and I was not very happy. I said, "I respect Mr. Greenspan, and I would like to learn from him, but He has done a good job in the United States, but he may not do better than me when he comes to China.” Immediately afterwards, Zhu Rongji expressed his confidence,
“Because I have been engaged in the economy in China for more than half a century, more than 50 years! I can still hear every pulse of the Chinese economy.”
Only by hearing the beating of every pulse can we better judge public sentiment and public opinion, and we can better plan the future.
Looking back at the turmoil of the amendment bill in 2019, I have to say that the SAR government's research and judgment on the overall public opinion in Hong Kong has made a big problem, so that it is unstoppable and out of control.
In an exclusive interview with "Hong Kong 01", Chen Duanhong, a professor at Peking University Law School, said frankly that in summarizing the past 25 years in Hong Kong, the most fundamental and difficult thing is to study and judge public opinion and popular sentiment.
"In the past, the SAR government did not have the function of specializing in research on changes in public opinion, and did not do ideological work. Although the public was consulted every time a policy was introduced, the consultation work was done well on the surface, but in fact it was a formalism. ”
For the new chief executive and the administration team, they should take the turmoil of the amendment bill as a mirror, realize the importance of grasping the pulse of society, and through continuous interaction with the people, effectively enhance their ability to sense the hearts and opinions of the people.
Chief Executive Li Jiachao suggested that "front office exchange meetings" be held regularly with lawmakers in the future.
(Photo by Li Zetong)
Another example is when talking about the difficulties facing Hong Kong, Zhu Rongji said frankly, "Hong Kong is currently facing many difficulties, but we always believe that this difficulty is mainly caused by historical reasons. For decades, Hong Kong compatriots have used their hard work and entrepreneurial spirit to Hong Kong's prosperity and splendor have been created, but in the midst of the prosperity, bubbles have also accumulated, and in the joy of success, hidden worries have also been buried. Coupled with the outbreak of the Asian financial crisis, then this structural contradiction will become a problem. It's exposed! It's definitely not a day or two, a year or two to cause this kind of difficulty."
Zhu Rongji also emphasized,
"The strength and methods to overcome Hong Kong's current difficulties lie in Hong Kong's system, because Hong Kong has a very open economic system, a relatively complete legal system, and relatively efficient government civil servants, especially a large number of outstanding It is the financial center, trade center and service center of the world and Asia. Hong Kong's advantages have not lost her competitiveness, her strength still exists, she can rely on her own The power to overcome the current difficulties." But "I also don't think the difficulties in Hong Kong have come to an end... Now we need to be fully mentally prepared, and the most difficult time will come, and we need to start a second business."
Today, 20 years later, after experiencing SARS, the Occupy Central Movement, the Mong Kok riots, the turmoil over amendments to the bill, and the once-in-a-century COVID-19 epidemic, no one can accurately predict whether Hong Kong's difficulties have come to an end.
But at least, what Zhu Rongji said "bubbles have accumulated in the midst of prosperity, and hidden worries have been buried in the joy of success", and "the strength and means to overcome Hong Kong's current difficulties exist in the Hong Kong system", which is worth pondering. .
Because looking back at the 25 years since the handover, the reason why Hong Kong has gradually entered the quagmire of pan-politicization and the rise of Hong Kong independence forces has almost pushed the entire city to the brink of out of control. The most fundamental reason is that for a long time after the handover, Hong Kong has The development and prosperity of the country have concealed the deep-seated contradictions. The problems that should be solved at the time of the return, such as the problem of national education, have been shelved again and again, and accumulated to a certain extent, and finally, in the form of the revision of the bill, the problems and contradictions accumulated over the years have been resolved. Here comes a total explosion.
The turmoil of the amendment bill in 2019 completely exposed Hong Kong's deep-seated problems.
(AP)
At present, with the blessing of the national security law and electoral reform in Hong Kong, although Hong Kong is no longer in chaos, it does not mean that "rule" has been achieved.
For the SAR government, in the process of carrying out the "second entrepreneurship", it is necessary to think about Hong Kong in a longer time context and in a wider scope, and maintain its own unique advantages while integrating into the overall development of the country. The biggest reason for Hong Kong's rapid rise in the past should also be the direction that Hong Kong adheres to during the "second entrepreneurship" process.
As Zhu Rongji said, "The strength and means to overcome Hong Kong's current difficulties lie in the Hong Kong system."
Chen Duanhong, a professor at Peking University Law School, told "Hong Kong 01" that in the new era, the confrontation tension (between the central government and Hong Kong) is not so great. If there is no necessary tension, Hong Kong will gradually lose its competitiveness. Vicious confrontation, but also to maintain normal confrontation.” Yu Pinhai, editor-in-chief of “Hong Kong 01”, also admitted frankly in the article “One Country, Two Systems” also needs reform,
“This time, Hong Kong should address the inherent flaws of capitalism and remove capital. Dominance, polarization, materialism, look at the system of Hong Kong from a new and simple perspective, but also learn from the modernization path of the mainland, reflect on the progressive significance of "one country, two systems", and take "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong" to a higher level. Otherwise, Hong Kong I am afraid that the advantages will be lost, and even degenerate into a purely subsidiary economy, downgraded to an ordinary Chinese city.”
Qiang Shigong, who worked in the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government, is now a professor at Peking University Law School, and the Minister of Social Sciences, recently wrote an article summarizing the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong. He also suggested that at the key point of the 25th anniversary, there should be further progress in the future of Hong Kong. Thinking, and this thinking should not rest on its laurels.
"Hong Kong's status as a 'window' in the national economic strategy has been declining, while Hong Kong is facing its own economic problems and needs to be integrated into the national development strategy. In this context, it is not only necessary to adjust Hong Kong's position in the national economic strategy in a timely manner, but from the past The "going in" strategy has been adjusted to the "going out" strategy, promoting China's capital, technology, management, information and even cultural concepts to go out, and more importantly, to change the positioning of Hong Kong in the national strategy from economic positioning to political positioning and cultural positioning. Positioning.” “Hong Kong’s capitalism cannot be governed by the methods of governing socialism in the Mainland, but the Hong Kong problem must be solved by the rules of the game of Hong Kong’s capitalism.”
On October 24, 2014, Qiang Shigong, a professor at Peking University Law School, gave an online interview on the website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and Supervision Department.
(Website of the Supervision Department of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection)
The above is the enlightenment of Zhu Rongji's speech in Hong Kong 20 years ago for today's Hong Kong.
Although when people talk about this speech, they tend to focus on Zhu Rongji's "national sinner" - "Hong Kong's future is bright, we are always proud to have Hong Kong, I don't believe Hong Kong can do well. If If Hong Kong fails, not only you are responsible, but we are also responsible. If Hong Kong returns to the motherland, if it is broken in our hands, won’t we become ‘national sinners’? No.” But in essence,
Zhu Rongji’s words It just breaks down a basic fact, because the system design of "one country, two systems" has determined from the very beginning that the central government is the most responsible party and bears the greatest constitutional responsibility for Hong Kong.
In other words, from the very beginning, the central government has always hoped that "one country, two systems" will be stable and far-reaching, and is most worried about the failure of "one country, two systems".
Realizing this, those who criticize Beijing for wanting to turn Hong Kong into "one country, one system" can probably be silenced consciously and boringly.
But for the general public, if one day Hong Kong really "goes badly" or "breaks up", no matter how the "crime" is accounted for, it is certain that the final "punishment" will fall on the people of Hong Kong. On the body, there is no accident.
The 25th Anniversary of the Return of the People's Republic of China︱The declaration of Xi Jinping's July 1 speech launching the "Two Systems Taiwan Plan"?
The 25th Anniversary of the Return of the People’s Republic of China︱Conversation with Chen Duanhong (4): Difficulty in Law It is a neutral word and the two places must have the necessary tension for the 25th anniversary of the return