Berlusconi throws himself into the arms of the populist wing of his party by dropping Draghi

The main scene of the fall of Mario Draghi was not Parliament.

The political murder was planned about 20 kilometers away, on the comfortable sofas of the magnificent porch of Villa Grande, Franco Zeffirelli's old mansion on the outskirts of Rome.

The house today belongs to Silvio Berlusconi, who helped the stage director overcome his financial problems in his last years of life in exchange for future ownership of the villa.

Here were held the meetings between La Liga and Forza Italia that decided the future of the legislature.

, an 85-year-old man increasingly permeable to pressure from some members of his entourage, did not come up with the plan.

But his partners proposed and he lowered his thumb.

A move that violates the moderate and European nature of Forza Italia and that breaks the game.

If it weren't for the seriousness of the situation, it could be considered the latest joke from the owner of Mediaset.

The crisis was opened a week ago by the 5 Star Movement (M5S) when it decided not to vote on the first motion of confidence.

But the anti-system party was no longer a problem.

Draghi and the President of the Republic, Sergio Mattarella, had almost decided to go ahead with or without the anti-system party.

The problem came unexpectedly from the front of the right and, despite the calls received - also from Draghi himself - Berlusconi did not want to support him.

Forza Italia was born in 1994 as a response to the crisis of Italian institutions with the

.

It was an experiment halfway between the advertising company and the political farmhouse that allowed Silvio Berlusconi to be three times Prime Minister of Italy.

His ideological spectrum, despite the fact that the ultimate goal was always to protect the companies of its founder, corresponded to that of a moderate and pro-European right that responded to a certain business world.

Member of the European People's Party, the formation was always aligned with the postulates of that great family.

The beheading of Draghi, for which Berlusconi is directly responsible, now opens a huge gap in Forza Italia, where resignations have already begun (two of the Executive ministers have announced their goodbyes), and places him outside the orbit of what that he always defended.

The last favor, in short, to his great friend Vladimir Putin, the Russian leader.

Berlusconi and Putin, in Crimea.AD (AP)

Renato Brunetta, one of the resigning ministers and a politician who was for decades one of Berlusconi's most important and loyal collaborators, exploded on Thursday.

“It's not me that's leaving, it's Forza Italia that's leaving me.

Or what is left of her denying her history.

By not voting on the motion to support Draghi, my party has reneged on its founding values.

Those who have imposed their particular interests on those of the country are irresponsible, "he wrote on his social networks.

Another of the party's heavyweights, Mariastella Gelmini, expressed himself in a similar way.

Both hinted that in the future they will seek shelter in the acronyms that respond to these "betrayed" values.

Berlusconi, already somewhat depleted of strength and political lucidity, has long suffered from the pressure of two internal currents of his party.

The one that defended the old idea of ​​stability, represented by the ministers in the outgoing Executive, and the one that has now taken control, led by Senator Liza Ronzulli and supported by the former president of the European Parliament Antonio Tajani, much closer to the populism of The League and promoter of the rupture of the Government.

This group convinced

of the unique opportunity that early elections could represent right now.

The promiscuity today between La Liga and Forza Italia is total.

Some sources think that they could even concur in a single list in the next elections.

The idea would respond to the need to obtain more votes than Giorgia Meloni, leader of the Brothers of Italy and third member of the right-wing coalition.

In this way, they would prevent her from becoming prime minister and it would be the leader of La Liga, Matteo Salvini, much closer to Berlusconi and his personal interests, who would occupy that position.

The problem is that one plus one does not usually add two in politics.

Many of the traditional voters of Forza Italia would leave the formation scandalized by the loss of identity and the populist drift.

A similar reaction to the one that many of its members have already had,

Italy will hold elections on September 25.

And one of the schemes that the parties that supported Draghi's continuity are already planning is that of the two electoral blocs: those that toppled the government that was carrying out the reforms that Italy needed and those that unconsciously toppled it and delighted Russia.

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