Jenpet. Repentant Lopez Obrador

Repentance almost always gives off a strong whiff of Catholic guilt, but let's try to get rid of it and approach it in another way.

Usually, we make the best possible decisions in the context in which we have to decide and with the available information that we have.

We can be wrong perhaps in the light of new facts and new information revealed, but when making the decision we always try to opt for the one that, for our interests, seems the best.

And well, we must always ask ourselves what is the genesis of our interests and what governs their change.

Many of the supporters of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador dismiss those who have expressed regret for having given him their vote due to the decisions that he has already made as a government;

nevertheless,

What options did the Mexican political system propose at that time?

Will there be someone who has voted for López Obrador who believes, now regretful, that Meade or Anaya were better options?

There is nothing in reality that makes us think that the candidates of the PRI and the PAN were better alternatives and therein lies a big problem, our desires and political horizons for social justice crash again and again against the wall of the parties politicians.

There are other alternatives, but now I would rather talk about other regrets that seem more worrying to me, those of López Obrador, those regrets that have concrete consequences on the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and on the search for social justice.

now regretted, that Meade or Anaya were better options?

There is nothing in reality that makes us think that the candidates of the PRI and the PAN were better alternatives and therein lies a big problem, our desires and political horizons for social justice crash again and again against the wall of the parties politicians.

There are other alternatives, but now I would rather talk about other regrets that seem more worrying to me, those of López Obrador, those regrets that have concrete consequences on the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and on the search for social justice.

now regretted, that Meade or Anaya were better options?

There is nothing in reality that makes us think that the candidates of the PRI and the PAN were better alternatives and therein lies a big problem, our desires and political horizons for social justice crash again and again against the wall of the parties politicians.

There are other alternatives, but now I would rather talk about other regrets that seem more worrying to me, those of López Obrador, those regrets that have concrete consequences on the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and on the search for social justice.

our desires and political horizons for social justice crash again and again against the wall of political parties.

There are other alternatives, but now I would rather talk about other regrets that seem more worrying to me, those of López Obrador, those regrets that have concrete consequences on the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and on the search for social justice.

our desires and political horizons for social justice crash again and again against the wall of political parties.

There are other alternatives, but now I would rather talk about other regrets that seem more worrying to me, those of López Obrador, those regrets that have concrete consequences on the lives of hundreds of thousands of people and on the search for social justice.

A few days ago, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador announced that the National Guard would now depend on the Secretary of National Defense (Sedena).

This decree contrasts with the words of López Obrador himself expressed in 2010, during the six-year term of Felipe Calderón: “President Juárez knew that we could not bet on a military republic, but on a civilian republic, [...] it is not with the How the Army can solve the problems of insecurity and violence, that it not be used to make up for the incapacities of civil governments”.

Apparently, the president of the republic has repented and now the command of the National Guard will be military, an alarming fact for those of us who agree with the opinion of a López Obrador of the past.

Under no explanation can we say that placing public security tasks under the control of Sedena can mean that a civilian republic is being strengthened, it is just the opposite.

It seems that López Obrador's interest now is to use the Army to make up for the incapacities of the civilian side of his government, as he himself explained more than 10 years ago.

We know too well what the harrowing consequences of putting public safety in the hands of the military have been.

In 2015, López Obrador stated that Enrique Peña Nieto's obligation was to guarantee freedom of transit and protection of human rights to migrants who had entered Mexican territory from the southern border.

He seems to have repented of this position, although the president has sometimes lamented the violations of human rights against migrants by the National Guard, his strategy against the caravans has not been to guarantee freedom of movement and protection.

In June of this year, López Obrador declared that what is being done seemed normal to him, that is, it seemed normal to him to deploy the Armed Forces to contain the migrant caravans.

Under what reasoning can the behavior of the public force on the border with Guatemala be interpreted as guaranteeing the freedom of transit that López Obrador demanded in 2015?

His strategy has consequences on the lives of thousands of people, including children;

having changed its position from 2015 to now means creating a hell for migrants.

The following happened on the land of Emiliano Zapata, in Morelos.

Since 2012, the Nahua peoples have been resisting a government project that intended to build a thermoelectric plant, a gas pipeline, and an aqueduct for their operation on their land.

In the face of resistance, those who fought were persecuted and imprisoned, but legal strategies and social mobilization continued;

After much effort, they managed to prevent at least the start of operations of the thermoelectric plant.

López Obrador visited them in 2014, he was received by the Nahua peoples whom he promised to defend;

During a rally in Yecapixtla, he told them: “I want to tell you that we are going to defend the people with everything we can.

We do not want that gas pipeline, we do not want that thermoelectric [...].

We are going to support them in any way we can [...].

Imagine what it means that in the land where Emiliano Zapata was born,

the best leader that there has been in the history of Mexico, here, in Anenecuilco [he was actually in Yecapixtla], there they want to build a thermoelectric plant.

What happens to these?

It's like if they go to Jerusalem and build a toxic dump or a nuclear plant, it's an offense."

The people applauded him, there was hope, if López Obrador became president of the republic, the situation could change.

In 2018, in that area, people overwhelmingly voted for him.

If López Obrador became president of the republic, the situation could change.

In 2018, in that area, people overwhelmingly voted for him.

If López Obrador became president of the republic, the situation could change.

In 2018, in that area, people overwhelmingly voted for him.

As soon as he became president, López Obrador repented, saying that if the thermoelectric plant was not operated, a lot of money would be lost.

He betrayed his own word.

We can imagine the pain, disappointment and anger at the deception.

Even more, López Obrador disqualified those who opposed them in the following way: "listen to leftist radicals, who for me are nothing more than conservatives," he said to the same ones to whom he had promised to cancel that thermoelectric plant.

Among those who had resisted the most was Samir Flores, one of the leaders of the struggle.

Unfortunately, on February 20, 2019, Samir was murdered in the courtyard of his house.

We can ask ourselves about the effect of the president's disqualifications that made a defender like Samir Flores even more vulnerable;

The fact that López Obrador disqualified those who opposed a project (which he also opposed before) had clear consequences because it lowered the cost of indignation and social mobilization due to the murder of Samir;

after all, an opponent of one of the most popular presidents in history had been eliminated, a Nahua had been assassinated who, in the words of López Obrador, could be considered a “left radical who was nothing more than a conservative.”

There are many examples of López Obrador's regrets and their consequences, in 2016 he criticized the then candidate for governor of Oaxaca, Alejandro Murat, whom he said was part of a "hereditary and corrupt monarchy", after which he has strengthened ties of friendship with him and has mentioned him as a presidential candidate for 2024. His regrets, or if you prefer, his changes of opinion, indicate a change in the compass of his political positions;

if now that he can decide, he thinks differently or in a radically opposite way, it is because the ideas and interests that guide his decisions have changed.

In 2014, López Obrador wrote that "not even with all the Telethons in the world could Televisa compensate for the serious damage caused to the people of Mexico as part of the mafia of power";

in June this year,

The federal government signed an agreement with Fundación Teletón to build a Children's Rehabilitation Center in Guerrero.

Clearly, many people voted for the López Obrador who thought that a gas pipeline on Zapata land was an offense or that entrusting public security to the Army was terrible. To doubt him based on what he is now doing and saying seems to me much more than reasonable. It seems urgent to me to be able to mobilize ourselves in the face of such serious decisions.

Regretting having voted for him does not automatically mean wishing to have voted for Meade or Anaya and, in any case, talking about those specific regrets distracts from the truly worrying ones, López Obrador's regrets that have structural and concrete impacts on sensitive issues and fundamentals of public life.

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