With a cold look and seven political struggles, which have become a routine matter in the Israeli election frenzy, there is no novelty in the heated battle between Knesset members Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir.
On the surface surfaced, as usual, mutual accusations, demands for positions on the Religious Zionist-Otzma Yehudit list and an attempt to place responsibility for the split on the opposing party, which could degrade one of the parties below the blocking percentage.
Smotritz on the split from Ben Gvir: "Big mistake, risk wasting votes"
But beneath the political veil hides a sensitive story, detailed on exposed nerves of identity and class.
The debate does in part concern the question of who will be placed as number 4 and how many candidates on behalf of Ben Gabir will be included in the top ten, but mainly it is related to identity politics, to the group known as "the second Israel" and the tension between "classic" religious Zionism and those who feel they are being treated condescendingly and patronizingly.
Smotrich targets the wearers of knitted caps in certain shades, which is obvious in light of the fact that his list is called religious Zionism.
Ben Gvir enjoys a base in traditional audiences and the sympathy of those who come from the social and geographic periphery.
Like him, they feel that Smotrich's conduct is based on the assumption that they and their representatives on the list are worth less.
"Smotrich wants classic religious Zionism. I want more periphery: Ben Gabir and Smotrich, photo: Oren Ben Hakon
"Smotrich wants classic religious Zionism. I want more periphery. Knesset members Simcha Rothman and Michal Waldiger are less connected to your people Israel," said Ben Gabir in a radio interview this week, revealing the heart of the debate between him and Smotrich.
MK Rotman, a resident of Peni Kedem in eastern Gush Etzion, jokingly replied that thanks to Ben Gvir's claims he "turned from a person who lives in a locality with a low socio-economic and peripheral rating to one who lives in the heart of a villa neighborhood in Ra'anana." Are Ben Gvir and his camp right in their complaint of disrespect Has an elitist aroma? Perhaps Smotrich and Rothman are right, who deny the patronage claim and insist that it is an attempt to squeeze more places on the list? Either way, it is clear that identity politics and the second Israel theory play a significant role within the right-wing camp, and in fact serve as glasses through which politicians and the general view reality.
Members of religious Zionism visiting the Nablus gate, photo: Yonatan Zindel/Flash90
This is a dangerous development - if every political action is measured in the country of origin, divisions are inevitable;
If every political conflict makes every person suspect of behavior related to sectarian background - there is no other debate of substance.
Between Smotrich and Ben Gabir, there are almost no disagreements on political issues, matters of religion and state or reforms in the judicial system.
The two ran jointly and won a handsome electoral achievement;
The cooperation between them throughout the last year also went mostly well and smoothly.
Still, they are unable to manage the conflict without breaking the trough.
The positions became marginal and lashed out from the evidence, the shell and not the content is the one that manages the affairs.
The result may be disastrous for the right, but mostly it destroys the ability to manage a dispute without escalating.
There are no disagreements, just a sectarian explosive barrel and a camp waiting for someone to light the fuse to set everything on fire.
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