Binyamin Netanyahu realized at an early stage in the current election campaign that in order to shape the right-wing bloc as he wished, to maximize the mandate potential inherent in it and succeed in obtaining 61 this time, he would have to roll up his sleeves, enter the intra-party tactics and make order there.
So, at the beginning, it seemed that the big challenge would be the connection of Smotrich and Ben Gvir.
The two began by showering each other with praise, but quickly turned to personal attacks that escalated daily.
Netanyahu, who saw how the two climbed the barricades and began to compile separate lists, realized that he must not wait until the last minute and that this mine must be dismantled as soon as possible.
It happened faster than expected.
One meeting, on Saturday night between the suns, was enough to get the parties to sign.
It quickly became clear that this was only the first mine that had to be dismantled.
The voices of division in Torah Judaism have been heard for a long time.
Not since today, under the banner of the Torah, the Lithuanian faction expresses dissatisfaction with the composition of the list, which is dictated as a result of the agreements signed in front of Dana, when the Hasidic public was a majority and the Lithuanians were a minority.
The fact that according to the same agreements the chairman of the party also has to change and give his place to the Hasidic representative - and if that is not enough, this is a new chairman without any experience in the Knesset - only increased the voices of support for a separate run.
This, in addition to the protracted sitting in the opposition, which always provoked old intrigues and disputes, and so, apparently, this time as well.
But despite all this, the assessment was that at the moment of truth, after all the arguments and muscles that the parties will try to expose towards each other, they will unite again and, as usual, run a unified list to the Knesset.
One thing got in the way of this assessment.
He is related to Netanyahu.
If the right does not have 61, Agudat Yisrael Hasidic will, according to the forecasts, prefer to stick to Netanyahu, including additional elections or opposition, this is in contrast to "Degal" which will probably prefer to negotiate with the alternative coalition that will be established.
But all of these were dwarfed compared to the next crisis that came, the education crisis of Belez Hasidism, which threatened to devour all the cards, left the political field and moved to the courts of the rebbes and spiritual leaders. Around Netanyahu, they saw with their own eyes how their efforts for a united right-wing bloc came to naught, and they quickly realized that what they had gone through The right-wing parties are dwarfed compared to the story unfolding before their eyes in the ultra-orthodox factions.
While the politicians turn to the rabbis, and in the homes of the spiritual leaders warn Netanyahu's people not to meddle and not interfere in what is going on in Israel's sanctuaries, the Likud chairman once again found himself rolling up his sleeves and jumping into the holy waters of ultra-orthodox Judaism without knowing if his efforts will bear fruit, in a field that is almost completely foreign to him.
The explosion started with the publication of the Ministry of Education's "Kol Kora".
"Criteria for budgeting an additional program to strengthen the study of English, Hebrew, and mathematics in ultra-Orthodox white institutions in Israel and beyond," reads the title. Like most government tenders and publications, it was clear from the first moment that this was a tender tailored exactly to the standards of the Torah Talmud of Belaz, who have been wandering for years For financial aid. The state is willing to finance educational institutions that will teach core studies at considerable rates, and after the path of the Belazis to the independent education network under the control of the Torah flag was blocked, in their distress, they began to graze in foreign fields - the Ministry of Education of the State of Israel.
Holy, sand and politics
The publication of the appeal caused a real shock in the ultra-orthodox sector.
Under the banner of the Torah, they could not tolerate the fact that Shlomo Hasidism would switch from education about the purity of the Holy Spirit to core studies, and saw it as a stone falling in the wall and the beginning of a process that could affect everyone.
They accused Belaz of advanced behind-the-scenes contacts with the Ministry of Education, and claimed that it was impossible for the tender in question to be issued right now by chance.
They weren't entirely wrong.
According to senior officials in the Ministry of Education, the one who promoted, pushed and was in fact the initiator of the establishment of the new education network of Belaz is Yonatan Reiss, a key activist in Hasidism for core studies in the ultra-Orthodox sector.
When Reiss and MK Kinley Tor-Paz Mish Atid presented the plan they formulated together on various platforms, in interviews in the media, at a conference of the Israel Democracy Institute and even in the Knesset's Education Committee, the Belez core curriculum was presented as just the beginning. They said that their intention was to spread to all ultra-Orthodox circles.
This, of course, quickly made Rice an outcast in the public from which he came, including harsh criticism articles in the sector media and the political echelon's disavowal of his actions.
But after all that, Rice is a follower of Belz.
It is not known that Hasidism or its leader threw him out of it.
This was enough for the people of Degal Torah to accuse the Hasids of the move.
For Netanyahu, the story was completely different.
The Belaz plan was conceived by Reiss and Tor-Paz in close and intensive work with the Director General of the Ministry of Education Dalit Stauber. She is a distinct close associate of Gideon Sa'ar and is considered to be his appointee. When Sa'ar himself was the Minister, he appointed Stauber as the Director General of the Ministry.
In addition to all this, it became clear to Netanyahu that Sa'ar and Reyes are close friends.
Sa'ar even helped him establish the ultra-Orthodox Hesder Yeshiva "Hadvata", which combines summer studies and enlistment in the IDF.
These circumstantial evidences were enough for Netanyahu to understand that not only politicians, rabbis and education about the purity of the holy place are at stake here, but also his bitter and old opponent is pulling the strings to overthrow him, divide the ultra-Orthodox public, stop his efforts to bring 61 in the elections and improve Benny Gantz's chances of forming the government the next
In order to understand the essence of the matter, his advisor for ultra-Orthodox affairs Ze'ev Fleishman put Netanyahu in touch with Moti Plai, his grandson and the powerful man in the house of Lithuanian leader Rabbi Gershon Edelstein.
While in the headlines a message came from the rabbi's house calling on Netanyahu not to interfere in what is happening in Torah Judaism - since it is a discussion between the rabbis - the relationship between Netanyahu and the rabbi's house grew tighter.
After it was understood that Degal HaTorah would not agree to include Belaz in the independent education network, Fleishman came up with a proposal according to which Belaz would enter the education network of Shas, the source of Torah education, which in the meantime had changed its name to the Bnei Yosef network, after the passing of Rabbi Ovadia. In a series of separate meetings in his office at the Citadel Zeev, with MKs Moshe Gafni, Meir Proosh and Israel Eichler (Belaz representative on the list), as well as with Aryeh Deri, Netanyahu tried to sew a solution, according to which the children of Belaz will be part of the Bnei Yosef network.
In the meeting with Deri, Netanyahu clarified to the Shas chairman that the proposed solution is the one that may bring 61 to the right-wing bloc.
That was enough for Derai to reply in the affirmative.
The others also expressed their willingness to do so.
Hope under warning
Shlomo Verdiger is a Gur Chassid, and one of the great donors of the Beit Midrash, the Hasidic measure is immense.
An influential Jew who holds the title of president of Agudat Israel in the USA. Werdiger lives in the USA and jumped on a quick visit to Israel to attend the rebbe's family wedding. Fleischman thought that this was a key figure, who could enter the rebbe of Belez and Rabbi Edelstein and finish the story.
The plan came to fruition with the help of Moti Babchik - a key figure in Gur Hasidism.
In the phone call he received from Netanyahu, Verdiger made it clear that he would do whatever was necessary, and hurried to meet with the Rebbe of Belaz.
When he got out of there, he announced a partial green light.
The Rebbe agrees with Bnei Yosef's outline, but wanted to exhaust all possibilities for independent education to the fullest. Since Rabbi Edelstein had already expressed his opinion in the negative, Netanyahu's office thought about how to crack the matter and get a final answer.
In a secret meeting held in the office of Attorney Avi Blum, a well-known ultra-Orthodox journalist, on Rothschild Street in Tel Aviv, Fleishman summoned three senior figures from the sector: Yosef Hebroni - head of the Lithuanian Hebron yeshiva, Shlomo Carlinstein - the director of the yeshiva, and Shlomo Brunner - an influential real estate developer .
Netanyahu presented the audience with polls showing that the right-wing bloc is close to 61 mandates.
The polls are misleading, he told them.
They do not take into account the resurgence of Likud concentrations throughout the country.
The turnout this time will be greater, and victory is within reach.
But, Netanyahu warned those present in the same breath, if Torah Judaism splits - everything will go down the drain.
Agudat Israel does not pass any survey, and the Torah flag is borderline.
If the turnout goes up from last time, it may also fall below the blocking percentage.
Those present were captivated.
Netanyahu spoke with pathos, gave them hope but everything under a warning.
He gave them the mission to bring the outline to a solution, and informed them that he expects an update from them as soon as possible.
The three immediately went into action, met with Rabbi Edelstein and the other relevant parties and the results were not long in coming.
Dagel HaTorah announced that the education system of Belaz in Ashdod will enter the independent network.
As for the other places in Israel - the issue will be discussed after the elections.
If he doesn't go - the way for Bnei Yosef will be paved for them.
There are core studies there.
The headlines that attacked Netanyahu for making sure that the ultra-Orthodox did not have core studies seemed to him like foam on the surface of the water (which were also not very accurate, the Bnei Yosef network has core studies).
For him, this is a sweet victory.
The block was not only designed in his image and likeness, but Gideon Sa'ar came out, this time too, with his hand on his bottom.
A short grace period
Ayelet Shaked wants to have a chance.
She knows that she made a big mistake in establishing and maintaining the government, but is convinced that the path to the victory of the right goes through the Jewish Home party under her leadership.
Netanyahu does not have a 61 in the polls, and only she, along with Yossi Brodani, the "Habiteh Yehudi" brand, and the letter B on the ballot, are the ones who can receive the votes of the soft right.
Shaked wants to be forgiven and makes it clear everywhere that as far as she's concerned she's back home.
that the separation from Yoaz Handel was not just.
There was no personal rift here, but an ideological one.
that at the end of the day she will go to a right-wing government, even if there will be only 61 mandates, and he will not.
Shaked, photo: Gideon Markovich
Religious Zionism will probably not attack Shaked, but they will claim that she is wasting votes for the right.
They know she has an audience that won't like personal attacks.
The message will be - we love Shaked, but vote for Smotrich
The message in hiring the services of Sefi Shaked, whom she sees as the most senior campaigner in Israel today, is one of belief that the percentage of obstruction can be overcome.
Benny Gantz was also in this situation in the last election, she mentions.
A political corpse that faltered below the approval rating in the polls.
Until Sefi Shaked arrived and raised the party to 8 mandates.
Shaked believes that this can happen to her too.
She also conveys a message to Netanyahu - not to rush to bury her and go against her.
She hopes that the personal precipitation will not overcome the political interest, and that he will also give a chance to allow her to pass and guarantee a majority for the right-wing bloc.
She knows that her grace period, however short it may be, is extremely short.
If within a month you continue to lie below the blocking percentage, Netanyahu will drink everything she has.
He will announce that voting for Shaked is a waste of votes that will go to waste, and the collapse will be guaranteed.
Those who will not give her a moment of peace are the members of religious Zionism.
The campaign they are launching this weekend exudes credibility.
You know what you get when you vote for us.
The complete opposite, in their opinion, from Shaked and Mbanet.
Potential Jewish Home voters are also interested there.
They probably won't attack Shaked, but will claim that she is wasting votes for the right.
They know she has an audience that won't like personal attacks on her.
The message will be, even if not exactly in these words - we love Shaked, but vote for Smotrich.
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