The pretext of the insecurity situation and the fact that governors and mayors request the presence of the National Guard is not a sufficient reason to defend the transition of said corporation to SEDENA or to justify the extension of the period of participation of the Army in public security. until 2029. Above all, without any exit plan and a comprehensive strategy that indicates that after this period the panorama will be different.
Doing the same thing over and over again expecting a different result is an obvious sign of foolishness.
The use of the military in public security tasks is not something new, it has been the strategy followed during the last three six-year terms, always having failed results.
It has also been presented as a transitory solution to make up for the incapacity of the civil police, while these institutions are strengthened.
However, this still does not happen and the exception has ended up becoming the rule.
Despite the fact that SEDENA is an institution that offers a sense of belonging, doctrine and discipline, in addition to allowing its members the possibility of developing a career, the nature of the functions for which they have been trained is aimed at national security. and not public safety.
The defense of sovereignty, surveillance of strategic installations and the care of borders and seaports are some of the duties to which the military are owed and for which their preparation is essential.
However, their participation in tasks normally reserved for civil corporations is counterproductive, since they lack the necessary skills to carry out proximity tasks, social crime prevention,
Considering that 95% of crimes are common law, it would seem evident that any strategy that seeks to be effective in terms of security should prioritize the development and strengthening of police capacities at the local level.
However, it has not been for our legislators and officials.
At the beginning of the current administration, the National Public Security Council proposed the New National Police and Civic Justice Model, with the aim of strengthening municipal and state police.
This model sought to standardize areas of training, professionalization, certification, dignity and equipment of police corporations, in addition to consolidating the gender perspective and proximity.
There was even talk of approaches such as proactive policing, oriented towards problem solving, and prioritizing civic justice, essential in resolving community conflicts and administrative offenses in their earliest stages.
However, the most important resource for its implementation, FORTASEG, has disappeared from the budget since 2021. It is 4 billion pesos, which was equivalent to 0.
065% of the Expenditure Budget of the Federation, but benefiting 286 municipalities that concentrate 60% of the population and 90% of the crime incidence at the national level.
Without a clear budget, it is not understood how the police are going to be strengthened so that in 2029 they are ready to attend to their responsibility.
Another of the arguments used to justify the militarization of security is that the armed forces are the authority most trusted by citizens.
Despite being true, this recognition is at risk in the face of the government's commission to assign police tasks to them, in addition to the increase in the number of responsibilities that have been entrusted to them in recent years.
Functions outside their vocation that have the potential to harm citizens and expose them to wear and tear.
This has been evidenced in the most recent INEGI 2021 ENVIPE measurement, which begins to reflect a decrease in trust in the armed forces.
Building peace requires understanding that the presence of the military in the streets has not resolved and will not resolve the underlying situation, it requires having additional strategies for local strengthening and designing a comprehensive security plan that prioritizes social crime prevention, beyond the speech, which, unfortunately, is an outstanding debt.
It is urgent to rethink the strategy.
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