The Government of Colombia accelerates to offer results in its first hundred days

The arrival of Gustavo Petro to the Presidency has been accompanied by a barrage of proposals.

An energy of change runs through all levels of power in a country that had been in political quarantine for two years.

Immobility had permeated the entire structure during the last period of the previous administration.

In just a month and a half, the government has announced seven reforms, the demobilization of a half-century-old guerrilla, the reconnection with Venezuela, a project to abandon the weapons of armed groups and even the intention of creating a new anti-drug policy in throughout Latin America, among many other issues.

"Now is the time to work to land all that," they say from the Casa de Nariño, where they have proposed to offer concrete results before the first hundred days of government are completed.

Petro explained at length his project for the country in the electoral campaign.

There was not a single issue, from the smallest to climate change or the relationship with the US, on which he did not have a formed opinion.

In an attempt to appear open and transparent in front of a part of the electorate that considered him a threat to the country —what was known as Petrofobia—, he explained everything that he was or was not going to do.

With that same communicative impetus he has reached the Government and it is rare the day that he does not announce some change.

Petro is aware that the timer for his mandate is running.

The character of a government is revealed in the first hundred days, it is repeated these days in the corridors of the palace.

President Juan Manuel Santos, one of the mirrors in which Petro looks at himself, made it clear from the first minute that he was betting everything on reaching an agreement with the FARC.

Petro wants to achieve something more grandiloquent, total peace, in his own nomenclature, which consists of bringing all the armed actors in the country to this dialogue.

The president said in New York that a ceasefire was going to take place shortly, which in practice entails a difficult implementation.

The same thing happens with the ELN, with which a roadmap is being discussed that is not at all simple due to the peculiar way of understanding the demobilization of the guerrillas.

The Government has shown full will to achieve palpable results in a short period of time.

The voices that demand more action and less speech come from within the

.

The president of Congress, Roy Barreras, lacked a certain speed two weeks ago to underpin the reforms, mainly the tax reform.

The Executive has postponed other debates such as health - the most thorny - to focus on increasing collection.

His predecessor, Iván Duque, suffered a rebellion when he tried to launch one last year.

Petro walks on red-hot lead, although he knows that without a fiscal adjustment he will not be able to balance the State's accounts or carry out the social policies that he has in mind.

The positive?

The leftist pact led by the president has secured a majority in Congress willing to carry out the projects after discussing the texts.

They need to be captured.

Petro's regional leadership must also be supported.

It must go from being a wish to a fact.

Before the UN Assembly, he showed a clear intention to be a counterweight to the United States in the area and not a dissident ruler with what is agreed in Washington.

There he spoke about major issues such as the struggle in the Amazon, the war on drugs itself, and human rights.

Now all this must be specified in a visible agenda for the rest of the world and a portfolio of allies that support it.

With Boric beset by many internal problems in Chile, with López Obrador often unpredictable in Mexico, Petro has faith in Lula's electoral victory in Brazil, which would shore up the regional progressive axis.

The dispersion of topics on the table in Petro's office can weaken the story in which he wants to wrap his presidency, although it also has a distracting effect.

The opposition, headless, without leaders, cannot focus on a single issue and thus the message is dispersed.

The polarization, very strong in the Santos era when the FARC was a single issue, is now much less.

But everything must be accelerated and implemented, they coincide from within.

Finished the time of the rhetoric comes the one of the works.

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