You will not find conspiracy theories in the book "The Man Who Shouted Idlely".
Yigal Amir murdered Yitzhak Rabin, this is a fact that the book does not dispute, neither do we.
The authors of the book are averse to delusional theories that have become a kind of smokescreen covering difficult questions.
The book was built tier upon tier, with the foundations of the building being documents and question marks.
You will not find exclamation marks in the book, nor decisive and conspiratorial statements, certainly not political agendas.
Only difficult questions that do not give rest and new and shocking findings.
A book I read eagerly, without skipping a word, including most of the footnotes.
27 years have passed since Yigal Amir murdered the late Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, a murder that shocked the State of Israel. Along with the blood that was spilled and the lives that were cut short, Israeli society was also torn apart. Ran Sharr (55) and Avi Zelinger (62), the authors of the book, grew up in beds The left. Sharrir, who grew up in Kibbutz Zorea, still maintains secular ("I have never fasted on Yom Kippur") and liberal attitudes and stays away from any political involvement. For the past year and a half he has lived in Thailand and remotely operates the public relations office he founded in Israel 17 years ago. In the past, he worked for ten years As an investigator, writer and editor in various television programs.
Zelinger grew up in a Pa'iniki household. He is also not religious, but over the years his views have turned to the right. For his living, he works in trading on the stock market and on the Internet and developing patents. In the past, he was an intelligence officer with many achievements. In recent years, Zelinger has focused on in-depth investigations into several cases, among other things, finding connections between foundations Foreign to associations and left-wing bodies, his live webcasts against the left-wing protests in Balfour went viral and received hundreds of shares.
"As a liberal who believes that there is nothing healthier than sunlight, what angered me the most was the concealment," says Sharr.
"As we progressed in the investigation, it angered me to see people for whom it is a commandment to hide important information from the public, but this does not prevent them from going out and demonstrating in favor of democracy, such as Shin Bet chief Karmi Gilon, who chained himself to the Balfour demonstrations.
Gilon and the heads of the Shin Bet that came after him are responsible for hiding the security failure and the failure of the operation of Avishi Raviv - the Shin Bet agent who founded the Eyal organization and is personally responsible for hundreds of violent and provocative events against Arabs, with the aim of blackening the Jewish community in Hebron.
How dare Karmi Gilon and his friends present themselves as fighting for democracy?
As the knights of democracy, isn't it appropriate that before they protest against others, they open the Avishai Raviv affair to the public?
"By the way, in a very inappropriate manner, the person who was apparently the secretary of the state investigation committee for Rabin's murder, the Shamgar Committee, is Karmi Gilon's brother - Judge Alon Gilon. Is it appropriate that the brother of the main interrogator should be the secretary of the committee? The public thinks that the Shamgar Committee investigated in depth the case of Rabin's murder, but Shimon Peres forbade it to investigate the incitement that preceded the murder, not because he wanted to avoid creating divisions in the nation. But only because the main instigator was Avishai Raviv - who was operated by the Jewish department of the Shin Bet, under the supervision of the head of the Shin Bet, the State Attorney Dorit Binish, later the President of the Supreme Court, who was never questioned about the affair and did not get to testify before the Shamgar Committee, and under Rabin and Peres themselves - who in their watch allowed Raviv to be used in a political way. The concealment, which continues to this day, is not for security reasons but to protect the failures of Very senior."
Zelinger came to the investigation of the murder of the prime minister following the investigation of the Yemeni children case.
"My parents were both senior members of the health fund, and they had a very hard time with the publications that seemed to them to be completely inflated about experiments and baby abduction," says Zelinger.
"I began to investigate the affair and found many fake allegations of abuse and kidnappings. I published the materials on the Facebook page I opened. As a result, a dialogue was created between me and followers of Uzi Meshulam, so I was not surprised when one of them called me and asked to meet with me."
A night meeting in Rabin Square
In October 2017, Zelinger met late at night in Rabin Square with one of the militant activists of Uzi Meshulam.
The conversation about the Yemeni children case turned into a conversation about Rabin.
"He began muttering that the Rabin government did a terrible and terrible injustice to Mashulam when they threw him in prison after the barricade in Yehud, contrary to an explicit agreement in which the police promised to keep Mashulam safe. I agreed with him immediately, and that probably opened him up," Zelinger smiles through his white beard.
"Then the man threw a bomb," the act is described in the first chapter of the book: "Perhaps out of excitement and perhaps because he could no longer bear the burden of the secret. He claimed that the followers of Uzi from Shulam helped Legal Amir in the murder of Rabin."
The man described, according to Zelinger, that at the time of the shootings he himself was with other followers in the northern parking lot, near the city hall steps.
He accurately described the scene of the murder, including detailed details, and explained that the shout "Idle, Idle" was the last part of a sophisticated exercise carried out by Uzi Meshoulam's men at the scene, and whose purpose was to peel back the security system around the Prime Minister.
The man was proud that "the one who shouted 'Idle, Idle' was one of us", and even gave his description and name: Meir Meshulam.
The man also described that the same Meir Meshulam spoke with Yigal Amir 20 minutes before the murder.
Zelinger returned home shocked.
At this point he really didn't believe what he heard, but nevertheless immediately sent an email the next day to the Shin Bet and asked them to get back to him on the matter that required an investigation. He received a response email to Kony from the Public Inquiries Division in the Prime Minister's Office, but to this day no one has gotten back to him. Maybe it's not too late .
"At that meeting, Meshulam's follower directed me to new materials about Rabin's murder that had been uploaded to the state archives," adds Zelinger.
"At that time, no one in the general public knew that some of the investigation materials of the Shamgar Committee were uploaded to the Internet in the state archives. That's how I started digging through the materials, and slowly I discovered more evidence and findings that fit the claim of that Hasidic."
At this stage, Ran Shirir and Avi Zelinger met in a cafe near the stock exchange complex and became friends.
Sharrir joined Zelinger's investigation, and the two received Yigal Amir's defense file from investigator Natan Gefen.
"We received a thick file with handwritten testimonies. We sat down to decipher them with a magnifying glass, and slowly, together with the visible materials from the Shamgar committee, we were able to paint an overall picture that raises all the questions," Sharri explains.
"We are not ashamed to say that we don't know everything. The state was so careful to hide information from the public, but we still managed to get to the materials and make them accessible to the general public. Our book contains neither commentary nor political positions, only careful assessments and mainly documents."
The book includes many photographs of the documents, and each piece of information is accompanied by a description of what it is based on.
Every document I request from Salinger and Mushrir, to verify the details, is pulled immediately.
They did do thorough, comprehensive and careful investigative work.
between the children of Yemen and "so"
In the book, Zelinger and Shreir show, step by step, how Rabin's security envelope is broken.
Based on the testimonies of police officers and citizens at the scene, they describe two suspicious men.
The first was a tall and tall man, with particularly brown skin and abundant, dark hair.
About 20 minutes before the murder, he approached Yigal Amir, put his hand on Amir's shoulder and exchanged a few words with him, as if they were old acquaintances.
The description of the man by Eran Boaz, the junior policeman who was stationed near the steps of the city hall, fits very well the character of that Meir Meshulam.
The other man is a young man with a Yemenite appearance who wore a red shirt, and who made several efforts to enter the closed area.
Additional evidence describes a group of men wearing caps who moved together quickly towards the Prime Minister's car a few seconds before the assassination, causing the Shin Bet security guard to break into the road with a drawn gun, and the commander of the incident, Yuval Schwartz, to stand on the concrete railing - face that group and back to the head car The government - precisely in the critical seconds of the shooting. After careful analysis, including complex drawings of the entire security system and its disintegration at the moment of the murder, the two conclude that "the explanation that Yigal Amir acted alone is much less likely.
On the other hand, the possibility that the assassination of the prime minister included a coordinated and complex diversionary exercise, carried out by several accomplices, seems more logical and at least one that needs to be investigated."
The Shamgar Committee did not thoroughly investigate all the people who were at the scene, and in particular failed to dispel the mystery surrounding the identity of the man who shouted "Idle, Idle".
A battle of versions began between the Shin Bet and the police. In March 1998, Ami Ilon claimed that the man who shouted "Idle, Idle" was an elderly, high-ranking policeman who was present at the scene.
The policeman himself denied these things to reporters who contacted him for a comment.
In 2009, police investigator Sen. Ofer Gamliel claimed in the Hamakor investigation that he personally interrogated the man who shouted "Idle, idle". According to him, it was a relatively older security guard from the Shin Bet's security unit.
The same elderly security guard denied these things to "The Source" investigators.
Later, Gamliel refused to give more details, but it is possible that he was not mistaken in one thing.
Meir Meshulam, the man who may have been responsible for shouting "Serak, Sarak", as claimed in the book, was not only a follower of Uzi Meshulam, but also an older Shin Bet member. to Rabin
Yigal Amir's polygraph test report. In the last section it turned out that he lied about whether he had other accomplices,
The entrenchment of Rabbi Uzi Permach and his followers in his house in Yehud in the summer of 1994 lasted 52 days.
Assaf Hefetz, the new police commissioner, invited Meshulam to the Aviya Hotel to open negotiations with him. Hefetz promised that he would not do any harm to the rabbi and his followers, but arrested Meshulam a few minutes after he arrived at the meeting. A few hours later one of the barricades, the soldier Shlomi, was shot dead Asulin, by a police sniper. The police clarified that the shooting was carried out after the soldier fired his personal weapon at streetlights and at the police helicopter flying over the fortifications. It was clear to Meshulam's loyalists that Hefetz did not act as a private initiative but on the orders of his superiors. Police Minister Moshe Shachal, Police Commissioner Hefetz And Rabbi Rabin became the most bitter enemies of the rabbi's loyalists. Varda, the mother of the late Assolin, claimed in the media: "The one who shot Altalana is the one who gave the order to murder my son."
Meshulam was imprisoned in very difficult conditions, and his medical condition continued to deteriorate.
From prison he expressed intense hatred for Rabin and harsh criticism of the Oslo Accords.
Zelinger and Sharir point out that there was an interesting connection between Meshulam's supporters and the "Chak" movement.
One of the first members of the Knesset who was mobilized to investigate the case of the Yemeni children was Rabbi Meir Kahane, the founder of the "Chak" movement, and some of the disciples of Shulam were also active in the "Chak" movement.
Hazi Calo, the head of the Shin Bet's Israel and Foreigners Division at the time of the murder, revealed in his book "Blood Was Allowed" how concerned the organization was about the violence of Uzi Meshulam's loyalists, and how active his men were in protests against the Oslo Accords. He describes about a thousand Israelis who were located by the Shin Bet who expressed a desire to assassinate Rabin.
Thus, for example, "T., a Kahana Chai activist, claimed that he was ready to shoot Rabin's head himself. In the house of S., a follower of Uzi Meshulam, leaflets were found calling for Rabin's murder."
After the massacre perpetrated by Baruch Goldstein in the Machpelah system, Rabin wanted to evacuate the Jewish settlement in Hebron.
After being warned of a civil war, he asked to evacuate the Tel Rumeida outpost.
"The meaning of the information we brought is that a kind of fraternal war is about to take place here," describes Calo.
"The information included concrete news about organizing retaliatory actions, and even talk about using live fire against IDF forces.
Already on the day of the massacre, an influx of Jews to the area began.
Some of them were followers of Uzi Meshulam."
Assaf Hefetz is also quoted in Yehuda Shlesinger's article in "Israel Hayom" as attributing violence to Meshulam followers: "They were a group of dangerous people who committed criminal offenses. They were murderous. They tried to kill the Shin Bet intelligence officer, damaged communication infrastructure, burned Court offices and archives.
They were so dangerous in our case that we wanted to classify them as a terrorist organization."
The followers of Uzi Meshulam did not just threaten.
They also acted.
In October 1994, two supporters of Meshulam attempted to assassinate the Bnei Aviram jailer and were charged with attempted murder.
In May 1998, unknown assailants assassinated the Chief Medical Officer of the Shavas, Dr. Jacob Ziegelbaum.
The case has not been officially resolved to this day, but various sources attribute the murder to Meshulam's operatives (as I previously revealed in "Mokor Rishon", 11).
"The story of Benny Aharoni, one of Raviv's deputies in the Eyal movement, well illustrates the possible connection between the organizations that wanted Rabin's death," write Zelinger and Sharir.
"Aharoni is the man who sent dozens of journalists the surprising pager message on behalf of the Eyal organization, which took responsibility for the assassination about half a minute after it happened, on the orders of Avishai Raviv."
Zelinger and Schreir bring in the book a photo of an eye-opening document, which raises suspicions that have not been properly investigated to this day.
This is a police report on the seizure and marking of exhibits that was completed the day after Rabin's murder on November 5, 1995, by Sergeant Rani Barak.
These are exhibits that were seized in the apartment of Aharoni, then a 24-year-old young man from Bnei Brak.
Among a yellow t-shirt of the "Chak" movement, and books by Rabbi Kahana and the book "Blessed is the man" about Baruch Goldstein, we also found Aharoni's membership card in the Eyal movement and another particularly interesting card: "The prayer card with a picture of the Jewish boy, Shlomi Assulin, And below it is a picture of Ra"
From Yitzhak Rabin.
This card was found in his personal closet at the suspect's place of work," the document reads. Aharoni himself comes from a family of Yemeni origin whose child disappeared.
Aharoni testified that Avishi Raviv repeatedly tried to convince him to murder Rabin.
The prosecutor's office, which was aware of this testimony, refused to include it in the indictment that was finally filed against Raviv.
"Activists of the 'Kahana Chai' and 'Kaç' movement (who were outlawed by Rabin after the massacre at the Cave of the Machpelah, 11) and Uzi Permach had a long and sharp reckoning with Prime Minister Rabin.
Benny Aharoni, a common axis between the organizations, demonstrates very unclear dividing lines between their activists.
We can only wonder why the police, the Shin Bet and the Shamgar committees decided not to investigate in depth the possibility that the activists of these organizations took an active part in the assassination of Rabin," the two write.
Uzi is paid?
Meir is paid
"Every year, on the anniversary of Rabin's murder, articles come out, and always a Shin Bet person appears in them who gives the official version," asserts Sharr. "The official version talks about a single threat, the incitement that preceded the murder, and that we are all guilty, but especially the kippah wearers.
Our book confronts the official version.
He shows that Gal Amir was not influenced by incitement, but was determined and actively sought rabbis to support him.
There was definitely incitement, but the head of the instigators was Shin Bet agent Avishai Raviv. The thesis of a single threat also collapsed. Apparently Yigal Amir did not act alone in the scene."
Do you really believe he didn't act alone?
"It's not a matter of belief, we brought evidence in the book that casts doubt on this version. On November 14, nine days after the murder, Amir failed a polygraph test. He was asked if he had accomplices whose identities he had not yet disclosed in his investigations, and he came out as a liar. It is important to note that until then Amir has already given all the names of the partners known to us to this day - Hagai Amir, Dror Adani and Margalit Har Shafi (partners for knowledge and planning, not execution, 11)".
Sharr shows me the police document on the polygraph that confirms his words: "In the examination, it was diagnosed that he responded to lying to a question about hiding other people in the organization," the police document reads.
Did Legal Amir, who came from a family of Yemeni origin that thought their child had also been kidnapped, had a direct relationship with Uzi Meshulam himself?
There is no clear evidence for this, only hints.
Although Uzi Meshulam was not ordained to the rabbinate, his followers called him "the Mori", a title used among Yemeni immigrants for a rabbi.
In the transcript of Yigal Amir's investigation, the nickname "The Mori" appears.
Police officer Nissim Dor spoke with Amir (on 11/20/95) about Din Rodof.
Amir claimed in his investigation that this is the greatest mitzvah in Judaism.
Nissim answered him that he is not sure that this is the greatest mitzvah in Judaism.
Amir answered: "Ask my teacher."
Nissim: "Let's say it's a mitzvah."
Amir: "Ask my teacher. I know."
Amir claimed in his investigation that various rabbis he turned to ruled that Rabin had a persecutory law.
Was the teacher, Uzi Meshulam, one of them?
Meshulam was released in 1999, with his commitment not to deal any more with the case of the Yemeni children.
The person who flooded the net for him with endless materials about the Yemeni children affair is none other than Meir Meshulam, the man who apparently shouted "Idle, idle."
In the book it was revealed that Meir Meshulam was an influential blogger known to the public under the pen name Shaf Filovitch, and founded the forum for the discovery of documents, which includes tens of thousands of documents, some of them classified and rare, in various cases that agitated the country.
Three huge clusters have been identified in the case of Rabin's murder.
On the basis of some of those documents, delusional conspiracy theories began to flourish, one of which Spilovic supported.
In the book, Shirir and Zelinger reveal intriguing details about Meir Meshulam.
"Mashulam played a central role among Uzi Mashulam's loyalists," says Zelinger.
"I was able to prove that Meir Meshulam is Filovitch. Among other things, he entered the Knesset for discussions on the Yemeni children case, with the name Filovitch but with the identity card of Meir Meshulam. The Shin Bet knew Meshulam well.
They recruited him, a sharp man who knows Arabic on the Buriya, during his military service in 1973. His progress in the Shin Bet was stopped because of his bad character. During his service he was convicted of committing sexual offenses, and spent three years in prison. After his release, he traveled the world. In the 1980s, Meir Mashulam returned to Israel, then joined the Hasidim of Mashulam."
Immediately after Rabin's murder, Meir Meshulam disappeared from the area for two years, then re-emerged as a connected and technological blogger, who manages to upload to the web, at a time when each uploading of a document takes a long time, an unimaginable amount of materials, some of them unique and secret.
According to Shirir Weslinger's assessment, the person behind Meir Meshulam is the Shin Bet, whose flooding of the web with documents and conspiracy theories helped him obscure what he wanted to obscure. In his last years, Meshulam himself was homeless, until he found housing and work in a Tel Aviv parking lot. In February 2015, Meir Meshulam was found Died in a parking lot. The man who wrote hundreds of scathing articles against the Shin Bet was buried, surprisingly, in the plot of Shin Bet fighters in the Yarkoon cemetery.
Why wasn't the book published in an organized manner, to give more official validity to your findings?
Zelinger: "We did not apply for an organized expense, but we did a crowdfunding campaign that managed to raise 120 thousand shekels. I am a person who believes that the grass that grows between the embankments will always be the strongest grass that will break through. I will not sleep at night if someone else enjoys the fruits of my labor and makes a buck on me, as the expenses The big ones make for writers."
Sharrir: "We knew that in the book we were exposing the connection of silence and concealment of senior officials, that's why we preferred not to turn to an organized publisher, so that they wouldn't try to put pressure on us. In the end, the book contains documents and questions that lead to one clear conclusion: a comprehensive investigation of two cases is needed. One is The Rabin assassination case itself, which has black holes mainly around the failure of security and the question of whether Legal Amir were accomplices in the scene who helped him peel back the security around the Prime Minister. And the second case is the criminal use of Avishai Raviv as a Shin Bet agent inciting and impeachment by senior officials who never accepted responsibility to this default".
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