Government Podemos pressures the PSOE to disobey the Constitutional Court
Justice The Constitutional paralyzes Sánchez's legal reform by six votes to five
In
La Moncloa there
have been hours of nerves and worry.
That increased and shot at times, when it was found that the situation was not controlled.
She was lost.
In this "unprecedented crisis", as recognized within the coalition, in La Moncloa, last week they took it for granted that the PP's appeal to the Constitutional Court "does not have any route."
Conviction or desire, the truth is that the judicial reform of La Moncloa suffers a severe setback and opens an unpredictable scenario, as is admitted.
The Executive complies with the resolution but continues in the clash: "We do not share the unusual procedure, nor the substance of the decision, never before seen in the Cortes Generales."
It was Félix Bolaños, Minister of the Presidency, architect and person in charge of this legal reform now put into question -it is not the first setback suffered by the Constitutional Court, it also knocked down the states of alarm-, who reflected the Government's discontent with a decision that surprised and they did not expect.
"The TC has stopped the legislative action of the legitimate representatives of the Spanish people, something that had never happened in 44 years and that affects the separation of powers."
Bolaños's serious, almost funereal tone denoted the seriousness of the situation, the impending crisis.
The statements by members of the Government in recent hours, focusing on the magistrates of the Constitutional Court, denoted that the alarm was activated.
There was manifest uneasiness, not only because of the possible setback, but because of its "unimaginable" consequences.
A feeling of anger, malaise, ran through Ferraz last night, the national headquarters of the PSOE, and the Government.
"Judges preventing citizen representatives from voting," claimed top officials.
Anger, discomfort... «Abuse», «nonsense», «outrage», «serious», «unheard of», were other words repeated among the socialists.
There were those who called to "come out to defend democracy."
Many alluded to the fact that this situation explained, among other things, why the PP has kept the renewal of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ) and the Constitutional Council blocked for four years, bodies where it still has a conservative majority.
In a similar vein,
Jaume Asens
, president of the United Podemos parliamentary group, who was caught live by the TC decision on
RNE
, described the decision as a "consummated coup."
«The political, media and judicial right consummates an unprecedented blow to democracy.
It is time to show that we Democrats are more,” Minister Ione Belarra deepened.
La Moncloa's thesis is that the law does not grant the Constitutional the possibility of paralyzing the actions of the Cortes Generales, that this power was repealed in
1985
to avoid what happened yesterday.
«The PP wants to control Parliament when it is a majority and when it is not.
With your resources, you want to decide what is approved and what is not approved.
Today that door has been opened and we don't know where it will lead us”, was Bolaños's attempt to place the ball on the ball in criticizing and censoring the blockade that the PP has exercised in the renewal of
the Judiciary
for four years.
"What is being settled is not a question of law but the very legitimacy and capacity of reputation that this body may have," was the clear message that María Jesús Montero, Minister of Finance and number two, launched hours before the decision of the TC of the PSOE, who anticipated that "a crisis of difficult solution" could open up.
Clear and direct warning with unequivocal receivers.
Pressure, which proved useless.
«I trust that the Constitutional Court will adopt a fair decision and in accordance with the law»;
"Make a decision based on Law and based on the pillars of democracy";
"There had never been such an important attempt to violate the seat of popular sovereignty"... were just some of the messages released by ministers in the last hours with clear recipients: the magistrates of the TC.
Both Congress and the Senate anticipated that they will abide by the decision of the Constitutional Court, thus also turning a deaf ear to the disobedience approach encouraged by United We Can.
The two Chambers will study the ways to defend their "autonomy", which they see invaded.
Ander Gil
, president of the Senate, was more combative despite his institutional role and denounced that what was decided leaves the "inviolability" of the Cortes "compromised".
Likewise, he stated that the "tacticist use that is being made of the TC distorts its function and harms its position" and that "a difficult step back is being taken in the degradation of our democratic system."
From Congress, its president,
Meritxell Batet
, expressed her "deep concern" because she considers that the decision of the TC affects the "operation" of the legislative power and the "exercise of its constitutional powers."
In her opinion, she opens the door for a single deputy to paralyze a procedure in progress through an appeal for protection.
Congress will abide by the court's decision but expects to "be heard" to "defend" its functions.
In La Moncloa there is discomfort with the PP, it is something public and notorious, and also with the conservative magistrates, who are accused, at least slipped, who act in an orchestrated way, synchronized with the PP.
Based on this collusion, they explain the fact that Feijóo reiterates that he is "willing to go where it is necessary" because, they consider, he takes advantage of the current majorities derived from the time of the majority of PP.
Although last night in La Moncloa they avoided clarifying possible scenarios in the face of a setback in the Constitutional Court, one of the most plausible ways is for the Government to continue in its attempt to appoint its two magistrates in the TC -the former minister Campo and a former high charge of Moncloa - and do so through a bill presented by PSOE and Unidas Podemos in Congress, through an express procedure of just a couple of weeks.
It would be to trace the process followed to repeal the crime of sedition and reform embezzlement.
Most have for it, but preferred another controversial path.
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