When the results of the last elections became known, it was assumed that the figure who would lead the left bloc and the opposition against Netanyahu and the right would continue to be Yair Lapid.
His party is the largest party in the bloc;
During the elections, the other party leaders in the camp pledged their allegiance to him, and he also branded himself as the one who heads the camp.
But this assumption, shared by people on the right and the left, is not true.
Yair Lapid is not the head of a camp for several reasons - some of them his sole fault and some of them not.
For example, in being responsible for the failure of the attempt to make Benjamin Netanyahu the biggest demon in Israeli politics, Lapid can only blame himself.
The repeated election campaigns are the product not of real leadership but of the reduction of Israeli politics to a purely personal question - yes Bibi, no Bibi.
Lapid was one of the main creators of personal politics, which backfired on him.
Another thing led to the fact that Lapid is not the head of the left camp - there is no such camp, and hence there is no meaning for him to be the head.
The only glue that holds together the Bedouin diaspora of Netanyahu's opponents is the negation of Netanyahu the man: trooper troops will oppose a theater that presents a story of a terrorist as a victim, and others will actually support;
Oded Forer will support the opening of the market and the fight in the committees, and Naama Lazimi will reject the idea and so on.
Lapid is definitely the head of the Yesh Atid party, and on Fridays and Saturdays he is also the head of the Black Flags and Bridges camp.
It's also something.
The disappearance of the left camp is not only Lapid's fault.
Like similar phenomena, here too it is a combination of several circumstances and currents that are not required here.
The fact that Meretz did not pass the blocking percentage is not only at the door of Merav Michaeli.
She may have been wrong when she did not unite with Meretz, but today it is clear that even if together they had received another 3-2 mandates, it still would not have helped their camp.
Lapid's influence was more felt in relation to Balad. On the one hand, he did not do enough to harm her voters; on the other hand, because of the reluctance to be identified with her, he did not help her pass the blocking percentage.
It will be difficult for Lapid in his current form to return to the top slot of the left camp.
If this is the case, he will also not be able to be prime minister again, and what is the political life expectancy of the head of the second largest party if he does not become prime minister?
Lapid was and still is the Prime Minister of Israel.
It is generally believed that it is easier for the Prime Minister to win elections, and Lapid did obtain the highest number of votes since entering political life.
It is hard to imagine a situation in which he recovers the same amount of voters when he is in the opposition and after he led the left to the big fall.
Michaeli does not speak to him, and replacing him in the position will certainly not run into Lapid's arms;
There is no great love between Lapid and Gantz, and Lieberman has also not shown loyalty as Lapid would have liked.
This is not the situation in which the right-wing bloc was in after Bennett was appointed prime minister.
So the right-wing parties stuck to each other, including the ultra-orthodox who all thought they could seduce them in any way.
But life is full of surprises, and it turned out that the ultra-orthodox also have an ideology.
who would believe.
The question is whether the opponents of the Netanyahu bloc have an ideology that does not depend on Netanyahu himself.
One that can be presented and defended, quietly and calmly in the Knesset plenum for example, and not only on bridges, with protests, shouting and waving black flags.
The problem is that there is no one to answer - neither the camp nor the head of the camp.
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