The institution of the presidency has come a long way since Dr. Chaim Weizman was indignant that "I have no choice but to stuff my nose in a handkerchief."
The presidents were neutralized until Prof. Ephraim Katzir provoked public outrage by declaring after the Yom Kippur War that "we are all guilty".
This was the signal for the presidents' struggle over the meaning of their high status.
After him, Yitzhak Navon threatened to resign amid international uproar if a state commission of inquiry was not established to investigate the massacre in Sabra and Shetila in Lebanon.
His successor, Chaim Herzog, raised many against him by granting an early amnesty - before a trial - to the senior Shin Bet officers who were involved in the killing of two captured terrorists in the case of the bus on route 300. These debates have taken on a special meaning in contemporary history. Now, about a year and a half after his election to serve as the 11th president, Yitzhak Herzog found himself at a busy intersection of national controversy.
In view of the fight over the judicial coup initiated by Binyamin Netanyahu and Yriv Levin
It is easy to sympathize with this claim, but it is essentially impossible.
The judges of the High Court actually determined that a law would enter into force even if the president delayed signing it. They also confirmed by an absolute majority that Netanyahu can serve as prime minister despite the fact that he has been accused of crimes. It is true that the judges followed a promise that did not yet exist to sign a conflict of interest agreement, but Herzog is not Eligible to disqualify him from being prime minister after the High Court qualified him.
Herzog's vegetarian response to the government's activities made him a target for criticism in protest demonstrations.
There is a certain standard error in this, because booing the president weakens something of the public pressure, which the brains exert on Bibi through democratic means.
At the root of things, the choice is clear: those who believe that it is possible to reach negotiations and a reasonable compromise on the draconian legal coup, will find justification for the pale language of the president who is reluctant to scold Netanyahu and Levin's opponent "Barchel your little daughter".
Therefore Herzog at this stage is hiding behind a vague text, according to which he supports the values of the Declaration of Independence.
It seems that the majority of the public prefers an agreement between the parties than an acute crisis that could degenerate into a civil war, and who will stick with us because it will end at the limit of the law?
A dead protester is enough for the parties to lose self-control and the police under Itamar Ben Gabir to act with extreme violence.
As for myself, I do not see the possibility of reaching an understanding with the government.
The minimization necessary for it to achieve its goals, which are a shortened process of a constitutional coup and the cancellation of the criminal indictment against Netanyahu, cannot be accepted by the protestors and the democratic countries that are anxiously following the events in Israel.
What else?
While the protest continues to proceed with full vigor in demonstrations and petitions to the High Court and the Knesset, it is not wise to prevent Herzog from trying his hand at mediation. This position will give the protest the alibi that it did its best to protect the High Court without breaking the bank.
The rapacity of the government will emerge naturally with the failure of mediation.
But Herzog comes to the mediation process from an inferior position.
Han experts noticed as early as 2021 that Netanyahu's reservations about his election as president were weak, and again the argument came up that it was agreed between them in advance that, if necessary, he would grant the prime minister amnesty against the sentence that would be passed on him. This suspicion was strengthened in the recent statements of the president, who wants to appear in the mediation -Honest broker. He will only be able to gain public trust for his current sit on the fence if he declares that he will never grant Netanyahu amnesty and will not support handing over the majority in the committee for appointing judges to politicians, and the rest is open to trial and negotiations.
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