Nisman was Cristina Kirchner's
first major attack
against justice.
Horacio Rosatti was not at court, but Raúl Zaffaroni was, who did not miss any of Amado Boudou's birthdays without causing a scandal.
Nor was it a problem, nor was it
lawfare
, that Judge Oyarbide handed down the lack of merit for the illicit enrichment of Néstor and Cristina Kirchner in a SIDE office, accommodating the numbers of the presidential couple not with official experts but
with the private accountant of the marriage accused.
Some time later, Judge Oyarbide would say that they had
"squeezed his neck"
to adapt that ruling in favor of the Kirchners.
Cristina never tweeted about it.
Nisman received wiretaps from his investigation of the attack on the AMIA when he began to detect strange conversations about a pact with Iran that led leaders linked to the Cristina government such as Luis D'Elía, Cuervo Larroque and the Quebracho boss Fernando Esteche, among others. .
The point was not the political stature of the suspects but their function: they seemed to follow orders from the highest levels of power to "fix" issues of the
Memorandum with Iran
that would see the light later and whose immediate practical effect would be -as would later be confirmed- the
impunity
of those accused of blowing up the AMIA.
The attack (85 dead) continues unpunished to this day.
Nisman analyzed thousands of calls, grouped them into 961 CDs, wrote a complaint and presented it to the courts for investigation.
He had no room to decide.
She suspected and denounced.
That's what a prosecutor works on.
After her complaint, the Cristina government did three things.
He came out to
attack Nisman
from the heights of power with savage virulence -with the prosecutor alive, but even more so with the prosecutor dead-;
He muddied the crime scene
after the discovery of the body and
installed the suicide hypothesis
, in different ways,
six times in less than 24 hours.
However, this would suffer
a fleeting and unexpected turnaround
.
The weapon that killed Nisman, photographed in an expertise.
Four days later - on January 22, 2015 - Cristina would say she had no proof, but she also had no doubts that Nisman
had been murdered
.
And she wrote that she was convinced that what the government itself was trying to impose as suicide
was not suicide.
How did it get there?
The new hypothesis was born in a peculiar reasoning based on electoral speculation (that year 2015 were the presidential elections): to say that Nisman committed suicide would, in some way, victimize him.
Better to say that they killed him to
throw the body at Cristina and victimize her
.
Three government sources at the time told
Clarín
that the one who convinced Cristina to go that way was Horacio Verbitsky, to the despair of the political and security wing of the government, who
had bet on suicide from minute one.
This sector maintained that admitting that Nisman could have been assassinated was
too dangerous,
because the Government would have to look for the culprits and pull a string that
nobody would know where it could end
.
Above all because of
the derangement in the SIDE
, then in charge of Parrilli and whose person in charge was Cristina herself.
Even so, Cristina wrote a 39-paragraph analysis where she
demolished,
in addition to Nisman's complaint against her, each of the reasons for the alleged suicide.
The original publication can be seen by clicking here.
"Why would the prosecutor borrow a gun to kill himself if he had two guns to his name?"
she wondered.
She spoke of the intelligence services, said that the role of the collaborator Lagomarsino in the case was
"very strange"
and affirmed that the real operation against her was not the denunciation of Nisman but
to assassinate the prosecutor
.
Seven times he repeated the question:
Why was he going to commit suicide...?
and he refuted it with a forceful argument.
The government was confused by the sudden change of course.
Sergio Berni, who was militant against suicide, saw Cristina's letter on
and went out on the radio at lightning speed:
"As evidence is obtained, the theory of suicide is
a little further away
, "
he said.
Sergio Berni, when testifying as a witness for the death of Nisman.
In those days, the government made a titanic effort to
control the file:
Parrilli sent agents to monitor the Fein prosecutor's office, which was investigating Nisman's death;
the Government operated so that the case would remain in the ordinary courts (when it was obvious that Nisman had died for his work as a federal prosecutor), and the Kirchner lawyer Maximiliano Rusconi offered Judge Sandra Arroyo Salgado -mother of Nisman's daughters-
Be your plaintiff attorney.
Anticipating the maneuver, Arroyo didn't even attend to him.
He sent word through his secretary that
no, thank you
.
Six days after Cristina's letter, Rusconi made an ornamental leap and appeared as
a lawyer for the defendant Lagomarsino
.
The Government entered the file
from the opposite path
.
There the definitive side of Kirchnerism in the case was sealed, because they could no longer leave the
"weird"
Lagomarsino alone,
whose weapon appeared at the crime scene.
Diego Lagomarsino and his surprising lawyer, Maximiliano Rusconi.
PHOTO LUCIA MERLE
It would be suicide against all odds, even when elementary forensic evidence
demolished that possibility
, as Cristina herself had done before, perhaps with information that
we do not know to this day
.
The facts
and the investigation by prosecutor Taiano never mattered again.
The strategy would be that - that Nisman committed suicide - and everyone behind.
Even those who immediately reposted Cristina's analysis endorsing the hypothesis that
Nisman had been assassinated,
such as the
La Cámpora group,
El
Cuervo
Larroque, Wado de Pedro and the current presidential spokeswoman Gabriela Cerruti.
For the suicide, Nisman had to have gunpowder in his hands,
but he did not have
.
The gun might have Nisman's prints on it,
but it didn't.
The weapon should have been to the right of the body, but it was
to the left.
The bloodstains were hitting something that
was no longer at the crime scene, like a person who got out.
And the apartment
was not locked from the inside,
but with the key on but not closed.
Anyone could have gotten out of there after killing Nisman.
The prosecutor's death continues to question us about the bases of power and its mafia message, with spies who testify eight years later and yet contradict themselves.
The former head of the Army César Milani, still designated as an active pole of illegal espionage, is in the calls of that weekend of Nisman dead.
Just like Mena, today the Nation's Secretary of Justice.
So far none of them declared.
Neither did Cristina, who
directed everything from Olivos
during the early morning that the body was found - all that Berni did that night was
with her on the phone
- and wrote with the conviction of close events and hot blood that
Nisman could not have committed suicide never.
Cristina is
the final witness
to Nisman's death and sometime she will have to tell what she knows, about the orders she gave that night and why she wrote what she wrote about the murder.
Maybe it will be cited this year.
look too
"I warned that Nisman was dead and nobody was surprised"
look too
Nisman: they detect more contradictions between spies and that the AFI K controlled the prosecutor Viviana Fein